MAY 21,

1834.]

Memorials from Pennsylvania and New York.

[SENATE.

Mr. WRIGHT inquired if the honorable Senator [Mr. CLAY] had sent to the Secretary's table the letters, upon the authority of which his remarks, in relation to the memorial from the town of Seneca Falls, appeared to have been based?

lation to the election of town officers. After the business have constantly manifested towards their opponents. He was transacted, and the Secretary had retired to another would not longer dwell upon this painful and melancholy apartment to draw up the proceedings, and several of the subject, but conclude with moving that the several mepersons assembled had dispersed, the deputy postmaster morials and proceedings now presented, be printed and proposed to organize another meeting. These office- referred to the Committee on Finance. holders stand in need of a fresh rebuke from the Senator from Tennessee, [Mr. GRUNDY.] Well, sir, another meeting, not previously called, was organized, and the proceedings laid before the Senate by the Senator from New York were the result. The next day some of the Jackson party became indignant at what had been done. They turned whigs, (a species of conversion which is now proceeding with more activity than any other business in the country,) a whig ticket was nominated for town officers, and carried by majorities varying from 60 to 90, in a town which last fall gave a majority of about 100 to the Jackson ticket. The proceedings which are now presented took place subsequent to the election.

Mr. CLAY remarked, that Mr. WRIGHT might see and read these letters, or any other letters he had received, but he should decline sending them to the Secretary's table.

Mr. WRIGHT proceeded to say that he had no wish to examine the honorable Senator's correspondence, and that he had made the inquiry merely because they, and not the proceedings and memorial, seemed to have constituted the foundation of the Senator's remarks. He recollected to have presented to the Senate, at an early period of the session, some proceedings of a meeting, as the memorial of the inhabitants of the town of Seneca Falls, approving of the conduct of the Executive in relation to the public deposites, but he had no other recollection upon that subject. The splendid speech which the honorable Senator had referred to, as having been made by him upon the occasion, he presumed would be found to have been about the same as the single remark he had now made in reference to the proceedings from Seneca Falls.

The Senator from Massachusetts, with his usual ability, exhibited yesterday the true posture of public affairs. Whilst all, on this side of the Senate, share with him in the desire to regain the lawful custody of the public Treasury, to reinstate the reign of the constitution and the laws, and to afford efficient relief to the public distresses, it ought not to be disguised that there is but little prospect of doing any thing. Without the co-operation of the administration or its supporters, nothing can be effected. And the condition of some of them is really pitiable. They are afraid to go home, leaving things as they are; and they are afraid to do any thing. They are The Senator had now presented an expression from unwilling to encounter the frowns of their indignant con- that town of a different character, and he had given to stituents, and they are afraid to encounter the more in- the Senate the result of the late clection of town officers dignant frowns of the President. They are between two for the town, to show the great change of sentiment unfires, unable to move either way in safety; unwilling to favorable to the administration, which had recently taken adjourn, unwilling to prolong the session. He hoped these gentlemen would promptly make up their minds one way or the other. If they are resolved to do nothing, he (Mr. C.) for one was willing to pass the necessary laws, and ready to agree to the earliest day which they might propose for an adjournment.

place there.

Mr. W. said he had no information as to

the result of the election referred to, other than that which the Senator had given to him, nor was he able to say what had been the usual party vote in the town of Seneca Falls. He would say, however, that he did not doubt the elections of that town were a free and fair exBut he warned them of the inevitable fate which await-pression of the wishes of its citizens; and he rejoiced that ed them; of the sufferings, of the reproaches, of the just they were yet permitted to make those expressions; that displeasure, of an afflicted and offended people. Can the ballot boxes were yet open to them, through which they be ignorant of what is every where passing through-they might express their sentiments upon the measures Mr. W. said he must notice one poout this country? Do they not behold the signs of the of the Government.

times? Are they blind to the fact that their party is in a sition which the honorable Senator had thought proper to state of rapid and certain dissolution? Why, sir, it is couple with his remarks upon the presentation of this mefalling off in large masses, like the banks of the Missis-morial, but he would assure the Senator that he was not sippi undermined by the current, whole acres tumbling to be drawn into a debate upon the question of the dein at a time. He had been informed that the regency of posites generally. The honorable gentleman had said, the empire State, since the decisive issue of important that upon the expression of the Senate that the reasons of elections there, has, en masse, fled from Albany, and the Secretary of the Treasury for the removal of the pubtaken refuse in this city, where they now are. Whether lic deposites were unsatisfactory and insufficient, that they will be demanded by his excellency Governor Marcy, officer ought immediately to have restored them to the The Senate is one branch in virtue of laws in such cases made and provided, re- Bank of the United States. mains to be seen. But he hoped that they would be of the Government, competent to make an expression received and treated here with all the rites of hospitality, upon this subject. The House of Representatives is anand the courtesy due to distinguished and unfortunate other, and that body has expressly resolved that those The Executive strangers. For one, he would do more; he would con-deposites ought not to be so restored. dole with them in this period of their deep affliction and branch of the Government is the third; and, if the Sendistress. He would entreat them to recollect the uncer-ator be right in his severe remarks upon that department, tainty of all earthly hopes; the ups and downs, ins and it is certain that it agrees in opinion with the House of outs, of politics; the vicissitudes of human life; that we Representatives. Indeed, it is admitted upon all hands, are often suddenly precipitated from the greatest heights that these two branches of the Government agree upon of prosperity down to the lowest depths of misery and this question, and the Senator's argument is, that the wretchedness; and that in the midst of life there is death.expression of the Senate should control, and overrule, This is the He would implore them, and their associates every where, and direct, the expression of the other two. to bear with manly fortitude and Christian resignation the argument, and Mr. W. did not propose to discuss it, but sad reverses which had befallen them. And he felt per-to leave it, with this simple statement, to the decision of suaded that they might be assured and consoled by the an intelligent community.

reflection, that those who may succeed them in power, Mr. W. said, the honorable Senator had also considerwill be guided, towards them, by sentiments of liberality, ed it to be his duty to refer to certain friends of his, citihumanity, and justice, not exceeded by those which they zens and men of respectability of his State, now in this

SENATE.]

Memorials from Pennsylvania and New York.

[MAY 21, 1834.

city, in a manner which compelled him briefly to notice his fellow-citizens? Was his integrity and character for the remarks. The persons alluded to were citizens of truth to be doubted because he was honored with this the State of New York, of character, standing, and re-high situation? It would not be contended. Was then spectability, second to none in the country. A portion the postmaster of this respectable village to be held unof them were members of the Legislature of that State, worthy of credit because he was thought fit, by his fellowwho, after a laborious session of that body of more than citizens, to hold this humble office? He should not argue four months, had ventured to visit the seat of Govern- the point, but would most cheerfully leave it to the dement of the nation for a few days. Ought he not then cision of the intelligent population of his State. to feel humiliated in being compelled, in his place, in the In reply to the honorable Senator's last remarks upon Senate of the United States, to defend them against this the subject of the deposites, he would only say that the act? He was willing to become responsible for their cor- complaint against the Secretary of the Treasury was, that rect and gentlemanly deportment during their short stay, he had not immediately restored them to the Bank of the and he would engage that the honorable Senator, in ask-United States, after the expression of the Senate disaping for them respectful treatment, had taken upon him- proving of his reasons for their removal; that the House self no hazard. Mr. W. said he would permit himself to of Representatives had, since that time, solemnly declared say no more. The subject and the reference were un- that they ought not to be restored, and that the Execupleasant to his feelings, and he was not disposed to dwell tive branch of the Government entertained the same opinupon either. He had hoped that citizens of his State, ion. He would not attempt to discuss the question as to travelling either upon their business, or for their pleasure, the Secretary's duty under this simple state of facts, but are yet at liberty to visit this city and to look upon the he would leave his conduct, without argument, to the improceedings of Congress, without being subject to ar- partial judgment of the free citizens of the country. raignment for the act. He was glad now to learn that) In relation to his friends from his State, who had been, they were to have extended to them the common cour-as he thought, most unnecessarily made the subject of retesies of life, and he would trouble the Senate no farther with their introduction here.

mark here, Mr. W. repeated what he had before said, that they were gentlemen, and gentlemen of standing, intelligence, and integrity. It was not his duty to give definitions to the Senator's terms, but these had visited the seat of Government during the session of Congress, for no purpose which justified suspicion or censure here, and that should any act of theirs, during their stay, merit reprobation, he doubted not it would be bestowed. Should they receive censure, not deserving it, it would fall harmless at their feet.

Mr. CLAY hoped the Senator from New York did not understand his observations as applying to these private gentlemen; he (Mr. C.) had alluded to the Albany regency. If the honorable Senator were even to say that these gentlemen were members of the regency, he (Mr. C.) would be for extending to them, if they came here in the character of private individuals, every possible mark of kindness and hospitality. With respect to another remark which had fallen from the honorable Sen- Mr. WEBSTER said, he would take this opportunity ator, Mr. C. begged to say, that the House of Represent- of adverting to the fact of the President not having yet atives had not, according to any account of their pro- held any intercourse with the Senate upon the subject of ceedings which had been published, expressed their opin-appointments. The honorable Senator from Kentucky ion that the reasons assigned by the Secretary for the [Mr. CLAY] had alluded to the long continuance of the removal of the deposites were satisfactory. No support appointments which had been made by the President then, for this measure, was to be found in the proceed without the concurrence of the Senate having been obings of the other House; and if he were to depart from tained to them. He (Mr. W.) wished now to call the atthe usual mode of obtaining information, and make use tention of the Senate to the practical application of the of private opinion, he begged to say that he had yet to provision in the constitution in relation to this matter. meet with a member who did not disapprove of the act The constitution declared that the President should fill of the Secretary of the Treasury. Many individuals, ac- any vacancy which might occur during the recess of Contuated by feelings of personal kindness towards the Chief gress, by granting commissions which were to expire at Magistrate, and influenced by the fact that the measure the commencement of the next session. Now, the first had taken place, deemed it best that the Secretary should session of Congress commenced in March, 1789, and ended not retrace his steps, and that a restoration should not in September or October of the same year. The second take place. He had never, however, heard any member of session began some time in January, 1790; the first recess this or the other House say, that the reasons of the Sec- took place in the fall of 1789, and during that recess some retary were sufficient. They knew that in several in-vacancies occurred. The commencement, then, of the stances, gentlemen of this body, had voted against the session of 1790, was the first time the Senate were called resolutions of the Senate upon this subject, who never-upon to fill vacancies which had occurred during a recess. theless condemned the act of the Secretary. Now, in the message sent by Washington to the Senate

Mr. WRIGHT rejoined. He said no fraud had been at that time, within one month after the opening of the practised upon him in relation to the proceedings which session, he clearly defined the intention of the constituhe had presented to the Senate, from the town of Seneca tion upon this point. The message was dated the 9th of Falls; that he knew well the persons by whom those pro- February. Mr. W. here read from the message to which ceedings had been transmitted to him, and whose names he had referred, showing that President Washington was were connected with them; that the deputy postmaster of opinion, that officers appointed during a recess of Conwho had been referred to in so disrespectful a manner, gress, should only retain their offices until it was in the was personally well known to him; and that he was happy power of the Senate to appoint others.

to have it in his power to say that he was incapable of He (Mr. W.) undertook to say, that this had been the practising a fraud upon any one. He was a citizen en-uniform practice of every administration from the comtitled to as much credit for truth and integrity, (and he, mencement of this Government to the present period. If Mr. W., made the remark with no disrespect to any indi- gentlemen would go through the Journals from January, vidual,) as he claimed for himself, or as could be claimed 1790, he doubted if they would find that any nomination for any individual upon this floor. His impeachment made during the recess had ever laid over more than a seemed to be, that he held a public office; that he was month after the next session of Congress. considered worthy to hold a public trust. Was this so? Had he, because he was a Senator of his State, lost the right to express his opinions as a citizen, in a meeting of

Mr. FORSYTH said, he had not looked to the Execu tive Journal with a view to this matter; but he thought the gentleman from Massachusetts was mistaken on the

MAY 21, 1834.]

Memorials from Pennsylvania and New York.

[SENATE.

subject. Mr. F. thought that nominations had been de- but the recent conduct of the present bank setting at delayed before, till late in the session. While he revered fiance the national representatives, and bearding the Presthe opinions of General Washington, yet honorable gen- ident of the United States, was enough to shake any one's tlemen did not say that he had not the constitutional right confidence in it. But he would wait till the honorable to withhold nominations till late in the session, if he member behind him [Mr. TYLER] should give him informhad reasons for it. Where, then, was the injury done ation as to the state of public sentiment in Virginia. now-where was the violation either of the constitution Believing, therefore, that there was no hope in the presor of the rights of this body, in withholding them till the ent session of Congress, or in any Congress for ten years last month or week in the session? If the nominations yet to come, that a project for a bank could receive a mashould be made, and the Senate refuse to confirm them, jority of votes, he asked the honorable gentleman from their commissions would not expire, because they held Massachusetts, what was our duty? That gentleman said till the end of the session. Now, suppose, in this case, he waited for the friends of the administration to propose that the President should think the public interest did not something. Was not the plan of the administration before require the nominations of these persons, and he should Congress? Was it not working in the other House? nominate others, when would their commissions take ef- Was it good or bad? So far as regarded the security of fect? At the expiration of the commissions under which the public treasure, securities were proposed, and limitathose now in office held. Where, then, was the injustice? tions of Executive control, which were never afforded in Standing in the attitude the President did to one of these the charter of the present Bank of the United States. individuals-he alluded to the Secretary of the Treasury, For the first time in the Government, the Executive came for he had been the subject of the peculiar animadversion and asked limitations upon its own power. If the honorof this body-it would have been treating him with great able gentleman clinged to the hope of uniting public injustice to have sent in his nomination at an early period sentiment on his favorite project, let it be tried, and sent of the session. How stood the Secretary of the Treasury? to the House of Representatives. The gentleman, as He had connected himself with a great measure of public chairman of the Committee on Finance, could forestall the policy, and was but just beginning that policy when it other House. In this point, he was fore-armed and forewas thought necessary to pursue the course, with regard warned. Let us not hear appeals, then, to the friends of to him and that measure, which we had seen here. Would the administration about plans for relief. There are the it have been just, then, under such circumstances, to have plans of the administration—let gentlemen examine them. presented him to the Senate for confirmation? It would But suppose the plan of the gentleman from Massachuhave been obviously unjust, where the object was to re-setts (not his panacea) should succeed, it could not come ject him; unjust to have forced him out of office, till he into existence till the present bank charter should expire had had an opportunity afforded him of placing before it could afford no relief for the next two years. The the public his whole conduct, and the full extent of his real distress must arise from the winding up of this instipolicy. It was no violation of the constitution, then, to tution. It must wind up its affairs; its debtors must be delay these nominations; and honorable gentlemen, who called on, and they must pay; and the State banks were had no object in view but to condemn the Secretary of afraid to accommodate, for fear of this institution pressing the Treasury, need not be in a hurry; they would have a them, and extorting their specie. Suppose, too, that the full opportunity of doing so, and if condemning him could Bank of the United States, being in hostility to the Govinjure him, it would have that effect. Mr. F. said he had ernment and the State banks, should not be pleased with understood the honorable gentleman from Kentucky to the new project, and should desire to throttle it, would it have descanted upon the present condition of the country. remove the distress for the ensuing two years? Must it Mr. F. said he showed the other day, by referring to the not rather aggravate it? The prosperity of the country prices current, that the industry and enterprise of the depends on the Government and the Bank of the United country was receiving its ample reward; that cotton, States. And whenever the bank should do its duty, and sugar, tobacco, flour, &c., were at their usual prices. proceed to wind up its concerns, with no more pressure The gentleman from Maine [Mr. SPRAGUE] said that lum- than it was obliged to inflict, then matters would go on ber was bearing no price at all. Now, he (Mr. F.) had smoothly, the notes of the State banks would take the seen, from the prices current, that lumber was at high place of those of the United States Bank as they returned prices in Boston and New York, and if there was any dis- to its counters, and the affairs of the bank would be wound tress arising from the want of a market for that article, it up with facility. If, then, gentlemen wanted to cause no could be relieved by sending their lumber there. Gen- more distress than was necessary, let them unite with us tlemen might talk as they pleased, but no assertions, no in endeavoring to induce the bank to proceed moderateappeals, could change stubborn facts; and, with the ex-ly, and join us in regulating the fiscal affairs of the counception of the banks, he would say that the people were try under the proposed system. The fate of the bank in as prosperous a condition as ever they were in the was sealed-no struggles of its own or efforts of its friends United States. could postpone its expiration for a day beyond its charter People who were in debt had suffered, but gentlemen-it remained for its friends, therefore, to use all their said it arose from the act of the Government. Mr. F. be- power to make it do its duty. This would require some lieved it did not. But the gentleman from Massachusetts sacrifice on the part of honorable gentlemen, but they was stated in the papers of to-day to have said, yesterday, could yield to necessity, and teach the bank to yield to that he believed his panacea would not answer. Well, necessity; while those connected with the bank would this was something gained, but he thought that some other suffer, the great interests connected with the industry of project might yet be adopted. The plain English of this the country must and would remain unaffected. was, that the honorable gentleman had a lingering hope Mr. WEBSTER would say a few words in reply to the that Congress would establish a national bank. Now, as gentleman's remarks; and first on the Presidential appointto the rationality of this hope, the honorable gentleman ments without the concurrence of the Senate, to which had appealed to the state of public sentiment in Virginia. he had alluded. The gentleman supposed that the presAnd what was it in Virginia, with regard to the gentle-ent case was not without precedent. Mr. W. averred man's only remedy. He said, that in his judgment, the that it was without a precedent. After a research by public sentiment there was favorable to relief. Mr. F. others and himself, they had not found one case of the said, that according to his information, two-thirds of the kind since the commencement of the Government, giv Legislature of Virginia were against such a project. He ing the slightest countenance to the present course of the (Mr. F.) thought a national bank was a useful institution, President. Officers had now held their offices since the

SENATE.]

Memorials from Pennsylvania and New York.

[MAY 21, 1834.

last year; Congress had been six months in session, and the appeals to Virginia had been; a response which would the officers still held on: for this there had been no case be adopted by her sister State of North Carolina, and that would serve as an example. The President, so other States. Mr. W. did not represent the opinions of far from having followed the example of General Wash- Virginia as to a national bank; it was enough for him to ington, who delayed thirty days at farthest, and generally state what he did with much pleasure, that the conduct for a much shorter period, had delayed his nominations of the administration in regard to the whole subject, had for a length of time beyond that of any former example. met with a severe rebuke, in the language of a majority But the gentleman argued the question, as if the Presi- of the people of Virginia. dent had withheld the nomination of the Secretary of the In one respect, we were under obligation to the SenaTreasury alone, when half his constitutional advisers had tor from Georgia; he had made an avowal which would held their offices for six or eight months, without his ask- be received as very important to the community; it was, ing the Senate for its opinion as to their confirmation or that the financial bill reported in the other House was rejection: the Secretary of State, of the Treasury, and brought forward as the administration measure; it was the Attorney General, had never been nominated. The their offer, and their only proposition. There was to be gentleman asked what was the harm. Just the harm, no national bank; the present bank was not to be continsaid Mr. W., that what the constitution enjoined, was not ued, and no new one to be established; and the gentleman done. It was well known, that during the session of expressed the opinion, that for ten years there would be Congress the most important duties of these officers were no national bank. We had this, then, as a matter of fact, to be performed, and now the session of Congress, and a that the bill reported in the other House was the adminbusy session, had been continued nearly two-thirds of the istration expedient for the present crisis; and the gentleyear. This was a single case, without a precedent in man had asked Mr. W. whether he thought the measure point or form, and embracing one-half of all the high of a good or bad one. Mr. W. said, if it should get as far ficers of Government. as the Senate, which he very much doubted, it was highly But the gentleman had said that these persons hold probable that he would express his opinion upon it, and offices until the end of the session, and what would be give his reasons for that opinion; all he would say at the effect of nominating others? The effect would be, present, was, that if his views of it were just, its effect that if there was another nomination of a Secretary of the would be to give a nominal authority to Congress over Treasury, and he should be confirmed by the Senate, the treasury, while the real authority would remain as it then there would be a new Secretary of the Treasury. was. The gentleman had said that this was the present So, when a person held the office under a temporary ap- measure of the House, and that the House had rejected pointment, and received a confirmation by the Senate, his all national banks. The responsibility, then, Mr. W. said, old commission would end, and he would act under a new rested on them.

commission. The operation, then, of the present plan, But the gentleman had said, taking the ground that the was entirely to deprive the Senate of any effective por-present bank would not be re-chartered, would any new tion of the appointment to the highest offices of the Government.

bank which could be created, relieve the distress of the country? The first time Mr. W. had said any thing on this subject, he had endeavored to show the great inconvenience of getting a new bank into operation, when this bank should go out of existence. He had proposed that Congress should charter a new bank, and bring it into operation before this should go out; there would be great inconvenience, but after all, a new bank would be just as good as the present.

The honorable member had made some remarks on observations of Mr. W.'s yesterday. Mr. W. desired only to put him right. He was first entirely wrong in the supposition that the motion, on the bank, which Mr. W. had made to the Senate, was in any sense abandoned. Mr. W. had said no such thing, but precisely the reverse. He had expressed the opinion, and he would now express it again, that it was the only possible mode of relief. But The gentleman said the present bank could not be reit had failed of a prospect of success; and Mr. W. had chartered, and that he expected to see the local banks of said, that there did not seem to be so much of a prospect the same importance, when their notes would be in circuof its success in the other House as would warrant its lation, and answering every purpose which the notes of adoption here. He had asked why it was not sent to the the Bank of the United States did now. He (Mr. W.) other House, and the reply to this question had thus been never expected to see it. He [Mr. FORSYTH] expected given yesterday. that every thing would go on well, if the bank gave up The gentleman had said that Mr. W. entertained a its pretensions. What were they? How rapid should be lingering hope that a bank would yet be established. It the withdrawal of its loans, to meet the gentleman's idea? was not only a lingering hope, but an entirely confident He (Mr. W.) thought the bank was curtailing too slowly, hope, that when all the passing ephemeral projects had as he stated yesterday. He stated that a vast majority of had their little day, they would disappear, and a national the Government and the people thought that there ought bank would be the final result in Congress. Mr. W. had to be a national bank; and what the people will, no more doubt of it, than that war must be carried on by would be.

means of an army and navy, because, under the circum- Mr. TYLER had been called upon to state what was stances connected with four hundred local banks, a na- the true sentiment of his State. He could answer the tional institution was as indispensable to the exchanges and gentleman from Georgia [Mr. FORSYTH] without difficul the currency, as fleets and armies in the contests of bel- ty. There were certain resolutions upon the table which ligerants. How soon it would come, Mr. W. could not relieved him from all difficulty-resolutions connected say, and how long the majority of the people would be with certain legislative proceedings. They bore to him willing to try idle experiments, he could not say, but it the opinion of his State, and instructions to vote against must come at last. Mr. W.'s hope was confident, and was gaining confidence every day.

the bank, on high constitutional grounds; and he had no hesitation to say, that the people of Virginia responded As to the election in Virginia, Mr. W. did not intro- emphatically to the language of the Legislature. He had duce that State into the debate; it was the member from no doubt of the course which would be taken by that North Carolina, (Mr. BROWN.) Mr. W. would not say State, whenever the laws were violated, or authority as one word as to the opinions of Virginia, in regard to a sumed in opposition to the constitution. Virginia had national bank, and had made no reference to them; but been tested through all times; she had always opposed he had said that the appeals now made to other States to the exercise of arbitrary power; she had done so with support the Executive, would be probably answered as regard to the Senate. In the faith of our ancestors,

MAY 21, 1834.]

Memorials from Pennsylvania and New York.

continued Mr. T., we mean to live; in the faith of our ancestors we mean to die; and I trust we shall not desire to die in any other faith than that which our ancestors have consummated by their lives.

[SENATE.

Are the offices unfilled, or unconstitutionally filled? Is the public service suffering in either of these cases in which the nominations are called for? Certainly not, sir. The places are all filled, and the duties of them are in a Mr. BENTON commenced by remarking upon the re-state of regular discharge. They are constitutionally fillpeated complaints which were made upon this floored-for every body knows that the appointments which against the President for not sending in the cabinet nomi- are made by the President to fill vacancies happening in nations. The complaint had become a sort of standing the recess of the Senate, continue in force until the end order of the day, and from the frequency of its repeti- of the next session of the Senate. Such appointments tion, and the impatience with which the message of nomi- are made by commission; and that commission has a connation was called for, the people at a distance might begin stitutional duration. The President grants a commission; to believe that the Senate was out of work; that it had that is the language of the constitution; and the commistransacted all its ordinary business; had nothing more on sion so granted confers upon the holder all the rights, and hand, and would be ready to adjourn as soon as they subjects him to all the duties, and all the penalties, for could despatch the nominations to the Treasury and State the constitutional period of its duration, which attach to Departments and the Attorney General's office. Such the commissions issued upon the appointments conferred would doubtless be the inference; but would the infer- by the President and Senate, when acting in their respec ence be correct? Would the people be right in believing tive spheres, under regular nominations. The Secretary that the Senate had finished all its business, and could do of the Treasury has a commission-the Secretary of State no more until a Presidential message had put this little has a commission-the Attorney General has a commisjob of the cabinet nominations into their hands? Would sion; and these commissions are all granted under an exthe people be right in that belief? Let a view of your press clause in the constitution, and will remain valid untable, loaded with untouched bills, answer the question. til the end of the Senate. The public service is going on Let three hundred cases, standing upon the general or- in all these departments. Then, why this cry for the ders, many of which have stood there for months, re- nominations? Surely not from an impatience to immolate spond to the inquiry. Never since he had been a mem- victims--that would be unworthy of the Senate--of this ber of the Senate, and he had now been a member for high tribunal, composed of men of mature age, wise fourteen years, had a session of six months passed off heads, and generous hearts. Rumors had gone into the with so little attention to the business of legislation, and papers, that one of these nominations, the Secretary of with so large an accumulation of business, public and the Treasury, would be rejected by the Senate. It might private, all in arrear, untouched and unthought of, while be that the Senate wished to negative that rumor, and to this loud and incessant cry is set up for a new job, as if show that the bank presses had spoken without authority the Senate had nothing to do. The legislative business when they announced the certain rejection of Mr. Taney's was in great and flagrant arrear, and so far as he might nomination. The business of rejecting nominations was be permitted to speak of Executive business, it was in in itself a painful and ungracious office. It was a sort of the same miserable condition. He would speak of the condemnation. It was a disagreeable duty in itself, and case of the bank directors, for the Executive proceed- therefore, could never be anticipated, or eagerly sought ings on the subject of these directors was now published, after by the Senate. Judges do not call out for victims; and the whole subject was open to public remark. Have it is enough to pass sentence when brought regularly bewe any directors at this time in the Bank of the United fore them. Would the Senate exhibit itself as impatient States? No, not one! The year half gone for which they for a victim which it had pre-doomed to condemnation? were to serve, and no directors for the Government yet, Certainly not. Such a course, and such a temper, would in that institution. Whose fault is this? Is it the fault of be supposed to belong to the branch of the Government the President; upon whose shoulders every fault is now at the other end of the avenue, judging from the manto be thrown? No, sir! It is not his fault, but the fault ner in which that branch of the Government is daily of those who have converted this chamber into a hall of characterized here; and could not be supposed to belong accusation-a sort of club-room-for the incessant attack to Senators here, who, from the profuse application of and denunciation of the President. Early in December odious epithets to the President, and from a constant delast, the President sent in his nomination of bank direct-nunciation of his violence, would certainly have themors; it was not until the last of February that these nom-selves to be understood as the reverse of the character inations were acted upon, and then they were rejected. which they ascribe to him. Gentleness, charity, benevoTen or twelve days afterwards, the President sent in a lence, sweetness of temper, should doubtless be the charre-nomination of the same directors, with a message, ex-acteristics of those who complain so much of violence in planatory of his reasons for doing so; this re-nomination the President. It cannot then be, that this impatience to lay in the Senate almost two months, from early in March get hold of Mr. Taney, proceeds from any disposition to till the first of May, and the nominees were again reject- condemn and reject him, but rather to clear the Senate ed. Immediately upon this rejection, other persons were itself from an unjust imputation which has gone abroad, nominated for directors, and these nominations are, to this and which has attributed that intention to them. Be that day, without the action of the Senate. The nominations as it may, said Mr. B., one thing is now certain and inof these five directors are now upon our hands, and in-disputable, that the year is half expired, and that we stead of acting upon them, instead of doing what we can have no directors yet in the Bank of the United States. to give the Government its share in the management of These directors only serve for one year, and half that the affairs of the United States Bank, we leave those nom- year is now expired. A most eventful and critical time inations untouched and unattended to, and call out for has occurred in the bank. The rights and interests of new nominations, as if we were idle, and had nothing to do, and could not go to work until the President would send in fresh nominations. A cormorant cry is set up for new nominations, when we have five bank nominations on hand, awaiting our action, and demanding our attention. Surely the people will see that it is not for want of work that we are thus crying out for new work.

Why, said Mr. B., why this call for the cabinet nominations; and especially for the Secretary of the Treasury? VOL. X.-113

the American people have failed to be represented there; these rights and interests are not now represented there; the places are vacant; nominations for directors all on hand, and the Senate, instead of passing on those nominations, to fill real vacancies, where the public service is suffering, is calling out for nominations to offices which are constitutionally filled, and the duties of which are in a state of regular and punctual discharge.

Mr. B. adverted to the remark which had been made,