as well as the dwellers on the road. No journey could prosper, or even be practicable, without this. And if our travellers be seriously bent on their undertaking, we would strongly recommend a previous inquiry at Copenhagen, where we have reason to believe such aid might best be obtained. An actual visit to the Danish capital would add little to the voyage, and might give other material facilities to the objects in view.

Some tales will reach the traveller, especially on the borders of the uninhabited country, of robbers living in those wild regions, and coming down for plunder. None such need be dreaded or believed in. These are old stories, possibly derived from the still older traditions of the Berserkir, a race of mysterious warriors known in Icelandic mythology. Such superstitions may well be excused in a people who have so little wherewith to excite or feed the imagination; when amongst ourselves we find persons, otherwise most intelligent, who give a ready belief to the follies or frauds of spirit-rapping, tablelifting, and clairvoyance.

It may seem strange that we should close this article without some more detailed notice of the people of Iceland ;- -a community scarcely less remarkable than the country they inhabit. This arises not from any indifference to the subject, for it is a very interesting one; but because our main object has been to invite and give guidance to a more thorough exploration of the geography and physical features of the island. The history, literature, and social condition of the Icelanders have, indeed, been made familiar to us by various writings of recent date. But it is a picture which may well permit of being reproduced from time to time, as singular in many ways in the history of human life. Here is a community of little more than 50,000 souls, scattered along coasts that touch on the Arctic circle; an island where cold without and heat within are ever struggling for mastery;-the total surface one of lava, volcanic ashes, snows, or swamps; treeless throughout, and not producing any vegetable food for man;-the natives dwelling half underground; fish their principal food; bread rarely seen but at the factories on the coast; rancid butter, curds, and tallow their most luxurious condiments. Living under such conditions as these, the Icelanders possess, and have possessed for nearly a thousand years, intellectual and moral qualities, and a system of self-government and religious instruction, which place them on a par with the middle classes and peasantry of any part of civilised Europe. This expression does not go beyond the truth, either of their past or present history. The early Icelandic annals, at once authentic and minute, tell us of that

spirit, derived from their Norwegian ancestors, which made them the discoverers of Greenland if not of America;-of that wisdom which methodized in their government all the best parts of the Scandinavian institutions ;-and of the learning, poetry and romance, which not merely lighted their own native land, but diffused itself into the darkness then overhanging all European nations. Other times followed (and the 15th century may especially be noted), during which a series of physical calamitiespestilences, famines, earthquakes, and seasons rendered more inclement by the fixed accumulation of ice on the Greenland coast-clouded over the earlier and happier fortunes of Iceland. Under these afflictions more than half the population perished, and the remainder sank for a long period into a state of apathy and neglect. Yet the spirit of the olden time was not wholly gone. In sequel to the revival of learning in Europe, that of Iceland rose again; and the printing press found a site and occupation even on this desolate island. During the last century the literary activity of the Icelanders has never paused. We have no space left for details; but may mention, in proof of what we say, that there are now lying before us translations from Theocritus, Horace, Milton, and Pope; an Annual Register (Minnisverd Tidindi) for 1796, in which we find record of the speeches of Pitt and Fox;-a catalogue of a dozen philological works, with several lexicons ;-other copious catalogues of astronomical and metaphysical works, including treatises 'De Infinito' and 'De Nihilo,' which might well furnish texts for the Hegelian philosophy of our own day;- and a schedule. of examinations at the public school of Bessestad which would not disgrace any college in Europe.*

Though unwilling to quit this curious topic, we must hasten to do so. We have probably said enough to lead the traveller, even if visiting Iceland for scientific objects only, to devote some attention to what is perhaps the most singular contrast anywhere existing between the physical and mental conditions of a human community. It is fair to add that he must himself bring intelligence enough duly to observe and appreciate this remarkable anomaly.

*These catalogues, and other interesting facts regarding the literature of Iceland, early and recent, will be found in two chapters by Sir H. Holland, published in Sir G. Mackenzie's volume. The most recent notice of the literature of Iceland as far back as the tenth century is to be found in Mr. Dasent's version of the Icelandic Story of Burnt Njal,' just published, with an interesting introduction by that accomplished philologer.

ART. X. 1. Letters from the Slave States. By JAMES STIRLING. 1 vol. 8vo. London: 1857.

STED.

2. Travels in the Slave States. By FREDERICK LAW OLM2 vols. New York and London: 1857, 1860. 3. The Great American Revolution of 1861. A Speech delivered by the Hon. C. L. VALLANDIGHAM, of Ohio, in the House of Representatives, February 20, 1861. Washington: 1861.

4. A Disquisition on Government and a Discourse on the Constitution and Government of the United States. By JOHN CALHOUN. Edited by RICHARD K. CRALLE. New York: 1853.

T

HERE are at present four countries which stand at the head of the civilised world, and whose influence principally determines the march of modern civilisation. Those four countries are France, Germany, England, and the United States. Russia, though a powerful military State, with an enormous territory, is still semi-oriental in its character. It has no science or literature, and little foreign trade; its language ranks among the barbarous dialects which no stranger voluntarily learns; its influence, which is chiefly of a coercive and deadening nature, is confined to its own population. The emancipation of the serfs-a great measure, now, we may hope, accomplished by the firmness and sincerity of the Emperor,-may, in its consequences, alter the position of Russia with respect to the civilised world. Holland, Belgium, Switzerland, and the Scandinavian kingdoms, though they contain an enlightened and intelligent population, do not fill an important place in European progress; they contribute to it, however, by desultory and unconnected efforts. Italy and Spain, the head-quarters of that form of religion which, looking at its political and intellectual effects, we may denominate Mahometan Christianity, have, under its paralysing influence, lost the position which they formerly occupied in Europe. Their importance, both literary and political, has ceased; they are interesting chiefly from their historical associations. To use a modern metaphor, they are shunted into the sidings of civilisation, while the express trains of more vigorous nations sweep by, and pass them unregarded. Spain, indeed, has begun lately to develope some material wealth;

and we hope that the Italian revolution,—not having been conducted hitherto in a revolutionary spirit-may, through the wisdom and moderation of its leaders, be destined to combine Italy into one kingdom, to avert foreign interference, and thus to consolidate an independent native government, which will give free scope to the inherent, but suspended powers of Italian genius. With regard to the kingdom of Greece, whatever may be its future destinies, its emancipation from the barbarising effects of a long-continued Turkish dominion is too recent to admit of its holding any prominent place in European civilisaion for the present.

Such being the nations which hold the primacy of the civilised world, anything which shakes the United States to its centre, and which threatens to change its internal policy and its relations with foreign governments, is an event of first-rate importance. Such an event has come to pass. The disruption of the United States is, if not consummated, at least highly probable, and indeed appears almost inevitable. Even the most sanguine Federalists scarcely venture to say more than that they hope for a reconstruction of the Union upon a new basis, after a temporary separation of its component parts. Seven Southern States have formally seceded from the Union, and have formed a provisional confederacy, constituted upon the model of the old United States: they have elected a President and Vice-president, and by their appointed organs have used language and adopted measures, which seem to commit them irrevocably to separation and independence, and to cut off all possibility of voluntary retreat.

The causes of the secession of the Southern States are deepseated. The discord between the North and South has for some time been patent, and has exhibited itself in various forms; and many fears have been expressed that the American Union would lose its cohesion. But it must be confessed that the late secession, at the moment when it took place, was a surprise, both to the United States and to Europe. In September and October last, at the time of the visit of the Prince of Wales, nobody expected that within half a year a new confederacy, with a President of its own, would be formed out of the existing States. Practically this event was no more anticipated than a hurricane or the eruption of a volcano. Now that it has occurred we can account for it; but it is important to a true estimate of political sagacity, that we should acknowledge the event to have occurred without being expected.

We are inclined to think that all the great events of history -those which have exercised the widest and most lasting

effects have taken the world by surprise. This was eminently the case with the French Revolution of 1789. The old monarchy of France was believed, both at home and abroad, to rest on an immoveable foundation. After the revolution had occurred, and the ancient government and society of France had been broken up, people found some neglected passages in different books, which appeared to predict great political changes. But those few Cassandra-like voices did not prevent the subjects of Louis XVI. from believing as confidently in the permanence of the French monarchical system, as the subjects of Louis XIV. It may be said without exaggeration, that the French Revolution of 1789 was not anticipated more than the Lisbon earthquake of 1755. Nevertheless, those who look back upon that mighty change can see that its causes were laid deeply in the political and social state of France.

Men are so much the creatures of impulse, passion, and imagination; they will bear so much in patience when their mere interests are concerned; that political and social grievances may continue for a long time without leading to active measures for their redress, unless some accident occurs which rouses the simultaneous energy of numbers, and produces a sudden conflagration. Hence the immediate occasions of great political events are generally small; the real causes of such events lie below the surface, and not unfrequently escape the most acute discernment, until they are laid bare by their consequences.

One of the small events which seem destined to bring about great results is the election of President Lincoln. Mr. Lincoln is not himself an important man. Until the recent contest for the Presidency, he was little known as a politician; in a country where public speaking is one of the chief avenues to power, he does not aspire to oratorical fame. His choice was the result of a compromise among the different sections of the Republican party. He was not originally a candidate; but was thrown to the top, as it were accidentally, during the canvass. Nor can it be said that the office to which he has been elected is calculated to excite alarm by its powers. It is true that the President can choose his own ministers, and that he can keep them in office for four years, in defiance of the House of Representatives; but he has little influence over the federal legislation; his influence over foreign relations is limited by the Senate; his power over the executive is principally confined to the Customs, Post-office, and Federal Treasury; the military and naval forces at his disposal are extremely small; and the state governments, both as to legislative and executive functions, lie completely beyond his reach. Why then was it that