"vernment, and, (what is not lefs difficult) "for it to exift without changing the con"ftitution, this liberty of the prefs would. "alone form a counterpoife to the power of "the prince. If, for example, in an empire “of the East, a fanctuary could be found, "which, rendered refpectable by the ancient "religion of the people, might insure safety "to those, who fhould bring thither their "obfervations of any kind; and that, from "thence, printed papers fhould iffue, which, "under a certain feal, might be equally re"spected; and which, in their daily appear"ance, fhould examine and freely difcufs, "the conduct of the Cadis, the Bashaws, the "Vizir, the Divan, and the Sultan himself, “that would introduce immediately fome "degree of liberty."

LET

O F

JUNIUS, &c.

LETTER I.

ADDRESSED TO THE PRINTER OF

THE PUBLIC

SIR,

ADVERTISER.

21. January, 1769.

THE fubmiffion of a free

people to the executive authority of government is no more than a compliance with laws, which they themselves have enacted. While the national honour is firmly maintained abroad, and while justice is impartially administered at home, the obedience of the fubject will be voluntary, chearful, and I might almoft fay unlimited. A generous nation is grateful even for the prefervation of its rights, and willingly extends the respect due to the office of a good prince into an affection for his perfon. Loyalty, in the heart and understanding of an Englishman, VOL. I.

B

is

is a rational attachment to the guardian of the laws. Prejudices and paffion have some, times carried it to a criminal length; and, whatever foreigners may imagine, we know that Englishmen have erred as much in a mistaken zeal for particular persons and families, as they ever did in defence of what they thought most dear and interefting to themselves.

Ir naturally fills us with refentment, to fee fuch a temper infulted and abufed. In reading the history of a free people, whose rights have been invaded, we are interested. in their cause. Our own feelings tell us how long they ought to have fubmitted, and at what moment it would have been treachery to themfelves not to have refifted. How much warmer will be our refentment, if experience fhould bring the fatal example home to ourfelves!

THE fituation of this country is alarming enough to rouse the attention of every man, who pretends to a concern for the public welfare, Appearances juftify fufpicion; and, when the fafety of a nation is at stake, fufpicion is a juft ground of enquiry. Let us

enter

enter into it with candour and decency. Refpect is due to the ftation of ministers; and, if a refolution muft at last be taken, there is none fo likely to be fupported with firmnefs, as that which has been adopted with moderation.

THE ruin or profperity of a state depends fo much upon the adminiftration of its government, that, to be acquainted with the merit of a ministry, we need only observe the condition of the people. If we see them obedient to the laws, profperous in their induftry, united at home, and refpected abroad, we may reasonably presume that their affairs are conducted by men of experience, abilities and virtue. If, on the contrary, we see an univerfal fpirit of diftrust and diffatisfaction, a rapid decay of trade, diffenfions in all parts of the empire, and a total lofs of respect in the eyes of foreign powers, we may pronounce, without hesitation, that the government of that country is weak, distracted, and corrupt. The multitude, in all countries, are patient to a certain point. Ill-ufage may rouse their indignation, and hurry them into exceffes, but the original fault is in government. Perhaps there never was an instance of a change,

in the circumstances and temper of a whole nation, fo fudden and extraordinary as that which the mifconduct of minifters has, within these few years, produced in Great Britain.. When our gracious fovereign afcended the throne, we were a flourishing and a contented people. If the personal virtues of a king could have insured the happiness of his subjects, the fcene could not have altered so entirely as it has done. The idea of uniting all parties, of trying all characters, and distributing the offices of state by rotation, was gracious and benevolent to an extreme, though it has not yet produced the many falutary effects which were intended by it. To fay nothing of the wisdom of fuch a plan, it undoubtedly arose from an unbounded goodness of heart, in. which folly had no fhare. It was not a capricious partiality to new faces ;—it was not a natural turn for low intrigue; nor was it the treacherous amufement of double and. triple negotiations. No, Sir, it arose from a continued anxiety, in the pureft of all poffible. hearts, for the general welfare. Unfortunately for us, the event has not been answerable to the defign. After a rapid fucceffion of changes, we are reduced to that state, which hardly any change can mend. Yet there is no extremity

of.