to it can be fairly derived from them. That declaration asserts, it is true, that whenever a Government becomes destructive of the ends of life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness, for the security of which it was instituted, it is the right of the People to alter or abolish it, and institute new government; and so undoubtedly it is. But this is a right only to be exercised in grave and extreme cases. "Prudence indeed will dictate," says that venerated instrument, "that Governments long established should not be changed for light and transient causes. "But when a long train of abuses and usurpations, pursuing invariably the same object, evinces a design to reduce them under absolute despotism, it is their right, their duty, to throw off such Government."

Will it be pretended that the actual Government of Rhode Island is destructive of life, liberty, or the pursuit of happiness? That it has perpetrated a long train of abuses and usurpations, pursuing the same invariable object, to reduce the people under absolute despotism? Or that any other cause of complaint existed but such as might be peacefully remedied, without violence and without blood? Such, as in point of fact, the legitimate Government had regularly summoned a Convention to redress, but for the results of whose deliberations the restless spirit of disorder and rebellion had not the patience to wait? Why, fellow citizens, little Rhody (God bless and preserve her,) is one of the most prosperous, enterprizing and enlightened States in this whole Union. No where is life, liberty and property more perfectly secure.

How is this right of the people to abolish an existing Government, and to set up a new one to be practically exercised? Our Revolutionary ancestors did not tell us by words, but they proclaimed it by gallant and noble deeds. Who are the People that are to tear up the whole fabric of human society, whenever and as often as caprice or passion may prompt them? When all the arrangements and ordinances of existing and organized society are prostrated and subverted, as must be supposed in such a lawless and irregular movement as that in Rhode Island, the established privileges and distinctions between the sexes, between the colors, between the ages, between natives and foreigners, between the sane and insane, and between the innocent and the guilty convict, all the offspring of positive institutions, are cast down and abolished, and society is thrown into one

heterogeneous and unregulated mass. And it is contended that the major part of this Babel congregation is invested with the right to build up, at its pleasure, a new Government? That as often, and whenever society can be drummed up and thrown into such a shapeless mass, the major part of it may establish another, and another new Government in endless succession? Why this would overturn all social organization, make Revolutions-the extreme and last resort of an oppressed people-the commonest occurrence of human life, and the standing order of the day. How such a principle would operate in a certain section of this Union, with a peculiar population, you will readily conceive. No community could endure such an intolerable state of things any where, and all would, sooner or later, take refuge, from such ceaseless agitation, in the calm repose of absolute despotism.

I know of no mode by which an existing Government can be overthrown and put aside, and a new one erected in its place but by the consent or authority of that Government, express or implied, or by forcible resistance, that is Revolution.

Fellow Citizens-I have enumerated these examples of a dangerous spirit of disorganization, and disregard of law, with no purpose of giving offence, or exciting bitter and unkind feelings, here or elsewhere; but to illustrate the principles, character and tendency of the two great parties into which this country is divided. In all of these examples, the Democratic party, as it calls itself, (a denomination to which I respectfully think it has not the least pretension,) or large portions of that party, extending to whole States, united with apparent cordiality. To all of them the Whig party was constantly and firmly opposed. And now let me ask you, in all candor and sincerity, to say truly and impartially to which of these two parties can the interests, the happiness, and the doctrines of this great people be most safely confided? I appeal especially, and with perfect confidence, to the candor of the real, the ancient and long tried Democracy that old Republican party, with whom I stood side by side, during some of the darkest days of the Republic, in seasons of both War and Peace.

Fellow Citizens of all parties! The present situation of our country is one of unexampled distress and difficulty; but there is no oc

casion for any despondency. A kind and bountiful Providence has never deserted us-punished us he, perhaps, has, for our neglect of his blessings and our misdeeds. We have a varied and fertile soil, a genial climate and free institutions. Our whole land is covered, in profusion, with the means of subsistence and the comforts of life. Our gallant Ship, it is unfortunately true, lies helpless, tossed on a tempestous sea, amid the conflicting billows of contending parties, without a rudder and without a faithful pilot. But in that Ship is our whole people, by whatever political denomination they are known. If she goes down, we all go down together. Let us remember the dying words of the gallant and lamented Lawrence. "Don't give up the Ship." The glorious Banner of our country, with its unstained Stars and Stripes, still proudly floats at its masthead. With stout hearts and strong arms we can surmount all our difficulties. Let us all-all-rally round that Banner and firmly resolve to perpetuate our liberties and regain our lost prosperity.

Whigs! Arouse from the ignoble supineness which encompasses you-awake from the lethargy in which you lie bound-cast from you that unworthy apathy which seems to make you indifferent to the fate of your country-Arouse, awake, shake off the dew drops that glitter on your garments, and once more march to Battle and to Victory.

ON REPLY TO MR. MENDENHALL.

AT RICHMOND, INDIANA, OCTOBER 1, 1842

I HOPE that Mr. Mendenhall may be treated with the greatest forbearance and respect. I assure my fellow citizens here collected that the presentation of the petition has not occasioned the slightest pain, nor excited one solitary disagreeable emotion. If it were to be presented to me, I prefer that it should be done in the face of this vast assemblage. I think I can give it such an answer as becomes me and the subject of which it treats. At all events, I entreat and beseech my fellow citizens, for their sake, for my country's sake, for my sake, to offer no disrespect, no indignity, no violence, in word or deed, to Mr. Mendenhall.

I will now, sir, make to you and to this petition such a response as becomes me. Allow me to say that I think you have not conformed to the independent character of an American citizen in presenting a petition to me. I am, like yourself, but a private citizen. A petition, as the term implies, generally proceeds from an inferior in power or station to a superior; but between us there is entire equality. And what are the circumstances under which you have chosen to offer it? I am a total stranger, passing through your State, on my way to its capital, in consequence of an invitation with which I have been honored to visit it, to exchange friendly salutations with such of my fellow-citizens of Indiana as think proper to meet me, and to accept of their hospitality. Anxious as I am to see them, and to view parts of this State which I had never seen, I came here with hesitation and reluctance, because I apprehended that the motives of

my journey might be misconceived and perverted. But when the fulfilment of an old promise to visit Indianapolis was insisted upon, I yielded to the solicitations of friends, and have presented myself among you.

Such is the occasion which has been deliberately selected for tendering this petition to me. I am advanced in years, and neither myself nor the place of my residence is altogether unknown to the world. You might at any time within these last twenty-five or thirty years have presented your petition to me at Ashland. If you had gone there for that purpose, you should have been received and treated with perfect respect and liberal hospitality.

Now, Mr. Mendenhall, let us reverse conditions, and suppose that you had been invited to Kentucky to partake of its hospitality; and that, previous to your arrival, I had employed such means as I understand have been used to get up this petition to obtain the signatures of citizens of that State to a petition to present to you to relinquish your farm or other property, what would you have thought of such a proceeding? Would you have deemed it courteous and according to the rites of hospitality?

I know well, that you and those who think with you controvert the legitimacy of slavery, and deny the right of property in slaves. But the law of my State and other States has otherwise ordained. The law may be wrong in your opinion, and ought to be repealed; but then you and your associates are not the lawmakers for us, and unless you can show some authority to nullify our laws we must continue to respect them. Until the law is repealed, we must be excused for asserting the rights-ay, the property in slaves which it sanctions, authorizes, and vindicates.

And who are the petitioners whose organ you assume to be? I have no doubt that many of them are worthy, amiable and humane persons, who, by erroneous representations, have been induced inconsiderately to affix their signatures to this petition, and that they will deeply regret it. Others, and not a few, I am told, are free blacks, men, women and children, who have been artfully deceived and imposed upon. A very large portion, I have been credibly informed, are the political opponents of the party to which I belong-Demo