I do not set this down positively-for 'I am no prophet, nor the son of a prophet;' but I think it to be most probable. And if it come to pass, what will the Parliamentary and Financial Reformers' do? Back up the Whigs, I fear, even if the Russell proposition should fall far short of their proposed 'Household Suffrage.' Unless some powerful influence be brought to bear upon their March Conference, and they can be persuaded to declare for Manhood Suffrage.

But what should the Unfranchised, what should all true Democrats do, if the Whigs take the course I have presumed to set down as probable? Unite, with vigorous resolution, to do all in their power towards securing the return of candidates who bind themselves without reserve to introduce and vote for a Bill, in the opening session of the new Parliament, comprising all the provisions of The People's Charter'-as the only effectual step towards obtaining means for ameliorating the condition of the workingclasses; for relieving shopkeepers and tradesmen, farmers and poorer manufacturers of the weight of taxation which now oppresses them; for abolishing sinecures and undeserved pensions; for lessening the expense of armed bands, kept for slaughter, or for idleness. And the opportunity for doing this successfully, may be such as never occurred before.

THOMAS COOPER.

FRANCE: THE CHAOS OF "ORDER."

THE party of ORDER- -a bundle of rods of all length and sizes, bound together by the chains of FEAR-has been for eighteen months triumphant in France. And what has been the result? Has France enjoyed peace, contentment, and equal laws, under its rule? Has the administration of internal affairs been characterised by wisdom, equity, and purity? Has the maintenance of relations with foreign states been just, or generous, or truthful?-Let facts answer.

Many of the founders of the republic are in exile: the props of the monarchy are in France. The founders of the republic who remain, are exposed to pitiless persecution: the props of the monarchy are promoted to the highest offices. The prefects-those janissaries of the presidential ministry-planted in every department of France, exercise absolute power. Local government, the basis of true republican institutions, is in `abeyance: central government, the curse of nations, penetrates into every village of the republic.

To the prefects has been confided the task of repressing democratic, and uprooting socialist, opinions. Removable at pleasure; chosen for their docility to the dictates of authority; or, for the eminent services they rendered under the monarchy of July, or, for the tact and resolution they displayed in carrying out that system of corruption and intimidation, which has made the reign of Louis Philippe only another expression for infamy; the prefects who from necessity have, can have, and must have, no political principles, are at once the fitting spies and the willing instruments of the central government. It is theirs to watch the suspected; it is theirs to control the press; to pursue, arrest, imprison, and fine the hawkers of socialist and democratic publications; to instruct the men of law whom to proceed against; to spy into the privacy of citizens who are supposed to have a copy of this or that prohibited publication; to direct the armed police to invade, on the slightest pretext, the homes of Frenchmen; to romage among their papers, to read their letters, to force their bureaus. It is theirs to dismiss every public functionary under their

orders from his post, who is suspected of republicanism; it is theirs, in fine, to play the petty despot over the whole territory of France, certain that dismissal attends on moderation alone, and reward on severity and oppression.

Lately, the majority of the assembly-the party of ORDER has thought fit to place in the hands of these men the entire control of the education of the People. As the laws against the Press originated by the Cavaignac Ministry in 1848, surpassed in rigour the laws of September, originated by M. Thiers, so the new law upon public instruction, originated by the ministry of Louis Napoleon, exceeds in severity that of M. Guizot passed in 1833! And these are the guarantees of Order!' Guarantees? It is written in the world's history that such guarantees are the progenitors of revolutions and the destroyers of thrones!

And foreign relations? Without waste of words they may be described in one sentence: the nephew of Napoleon, the King-dethroner, the Kingmaker, and the King-compeller, vails his plumed hat before the thrones, and places the sword of France at the disposal of the Red Monarchies of Europe and his policy comes within the compass of two words-treachery and impotence.

It is chaos which the boasted victory of the party of" Order" has brought forth. It is chaos-disorder—which is the fruit of their labour. The tranquillity of France is specious. The policy which has called up this apparition never founded anything. Laws of repression, exacted by circumstances; measures of vengeance, provoked by hatred, and carried out by vindictiveness; temporary expedients, engendered in the extremity of fear,never yet produced ought but forced submission and deceptive security. Power which attempts to perpetuate itself by the sword, forges bolts for its own destruction. Power, which builds its palace upon foundations cemented by corruption, digs its own grave. Power, which reposes upon a legislative majority composed of warring interests, opposing ideas, and incompatible factions, bound together, for the moment, by fear, needs only time and accident to effect its overthrow. Such are the characteristics of the power at present existing in France; such are the elements upon whose coherent operation our destiny depends. Coherent operation! But what can it operate? Nothing but what we have before stated :-injustice, tyranny, uncertainty, repression-in one word,-chaos.

For our own part-say all true democrats--if we were disposed to look upon these things from a cynical point of view, and were prepared to root out our sympathies for suffering humanity; if we could obliterate from our moral sense the hatred we feel for injustice, under every form, we should be disposed to rejoice in the present measures pursued by the legislative and executive powers in France. For these measures only try the people, though after a fashion in which no people ought ever to be tried. They only test the strength of the faith which is in the French democracy; though after a fashion in which no faith ought ever to be tested. They only furnish fresh and stinging incitements to exertion and resistance; for suffering is-like strong drink to the strong-a source of terrible strength. These measures only impose upon true democrats, as a point of honour, a dictate of duty, the necessity of conquering power, by physical or moral means by physical, if the domination of priest and prefect becomes unbearable; by moral, if republican endurance can wear out that domination. Which of these two means shall be employed, depends upon the conduct of the ruling power. If the party of "Order" should continue in the of Guizot, and perist in the "policy of resistance," they will force the

ways

adoption of that policy upon the people. If, on the contrary, they relax their "system of resistance;" put away the abomination of prefects; or at least abridge their authority,-making them guardians of the peace instead of arbiters of opinion;--and give thought and speech free scope; then, moral means will restore the Republic to republicans; freedom, justice, and humanity, for a perpetuity to France; and, through the example of France, at length, to Europe. GEORGE HOOPER.

Correspondence.

10, Buckingham Road, Kingsland, London, Jan. 15, 1850. DEAR SIR, I hail with earnest joy your proposal to form a Progress Union that shall gradually spread itself over the length and width of the kingdom. I have waited anxiously for some such proposal from an accredited teacher of the People. You shall have my cordial support to the ut most of my ability and means. I can also promise you that of a few earnest friends,-men who do not fall sick at shadows, or tremble at the lowering of a cloud, however great the storm it portends. I am a young man, but I may say that I have not been idle. I assisted, with a few artizans, in forming and establishing the Institution of Progress at Chelsea; and have since gathered a few young men together to form a Discussion Class in Aldgate, which may, perhaps, be the nucleus to another Institution.

If the Progress Union were formed, what power would be obtained by artizans ! Instead of a few isolated institutions, and exertions confined within the narrow sphere of their own locality, we should have every district ready to assist others, and by an honourable emulation in the work of regeneration, preventing any of them from being crushed by the bigotry of priests, or tyranny of authority.

Mr. Thomas Cooper.

Yours, in the cause of Progress,

wwwwwwwww

C. F. NICHOLLS.

34, Temple-street, St. George's Road, Southwark, Jan. 14, 1850. DEAR SIR,-It is with sincere pleasure I address you in reference to your proposed Progress Union. Being the son of a working man, and of the same class myself, I know how fearfully ignorance prevails among my order. I also know the misery produced by it. Hence I infer that intelligence would be a good thing for the working man. Among what class is intelligence so necessary? The most oppressed should not only know that they are oppressed, but they should know how to rid themselves of that oppression. He who cannot help himself should know how to carry out the principles of union, so that the weak, united, may be come strong by the support of numbers. They who, by their various trades and employments, are obliged to keep their bodies in unhealthy positions, or to inhale noxious gases arising from the materials on which they labour, ought to understand the principles of physiology and chemistry, so that they may ward off the evils which, like a pestilence, hang over certain trades and employments.

I therefore hailed with joy the proposal for a Progress Union, and as soon as possible consulted with the Committee of the "Working Men's Institute,” meeting in the South London Chartist Hall, and of which I am a member, and find they are willing to co-operate in any way which may be deemed expedient. Mr. Thomas Cooper. I remain, Sir, yours truly,

JAMES BENNY.

Lambeth, January 12, 1850. DEAR SIR,-Having read with pleasure your proposal with regard to forming a Progress Union for the working classes, I mentioned it to several of my shop mates, and it meets with the approbation of many men that are now really kept back from politics from no other cause but a dislike to exaggeration and violence. The existing Mechanics' Institutions are not what mechanics, under present circumstances, really want. Their best scientific lectures have no charm for workingmen. We are not fairly remunerated for the talent we have already acquired. Then, is it not disheartening for us to study machinery, merely to supply masters with the fruit of our invention, gratis?

I assure you, Sir, that the generality of mechanics lament that the genius of their ancestors has been abused by selfish capitalists already, and we feel convinced that to open the eyes of employers still more wide upon machinery, would be to rob the next generation more than what we are robbed ourselves.

My opinion is that there is no chance for the workingmen remaining, if it be not found in their own perseverance and union; and I do not stand alone in this opinion. We cannot begin the Progress Union ourselves; but trust that you, and a few of your philanthropic friends, will be able to find time to place the wheel upon its axis, and we will willingly put a shoulder to it. Masters are strict, and I therefore subscribe myself, Mr. Thomas Cooper.

AN OPERATIVE.

52, Bond-street, Liverpool, Jan. 14, 1850. MY DEAR SIR,-I am glad to witness you once more amongst us in spirit, and rejoice that once a week we shall have the opportunity of reading the product of your thought, and that those manly sentiments of self-dependence uttered in the "Plain Speaker," will be once more issued from the Press, by one who is an instance of what may be done in overcoming difficulties, and of what victories may be achieved by a determined will.

I write more particularly in reference to your appeal for a Progress Union. The idea I think a grand one. Why should we not have a People's League? Unions are even now in operation. Temperance Associations are already in existence, with itinerant lecturers who visit our towns and villages, stimulating to thought and additional efforts. In Liverpool I doubt not but that some will be found ready to welcome the proposed idea. I have spoken to some young men and they are favourably disposed, and some assistance can be depended upon from at least one class of young men, who are associated together for "Mutual Improvement." I remain, faithfully yours,

Mr. Thomas Cooper.

Methley, near Wakefield, January 12, 1850.

DEAR SIR,-I am an agricultural labourer's son; and it was with great pleasure I read your proposition for the formation of a Progress Union. The want of one has long been felt, not only in the manufacturing, but also in the agricultural districts. I feel quite sure that a hearty response will be made throughout the country, should you commence the movement in London. There are in every large town thousands, and in every village hundreds, who are desirous of having real intellectual food, but cannot have it, now, either at the Sunday Schools, Chapels, Churches, or Mechanics' Institutes.

66

Though lowly my lot, and poor my estate," I shall be glad to give all my spare time to the carrying out of so great an object. I remain, yours respectfully, Mr. Thomas Cooper. WILLIAM MIDDLETON.

Olive-street, Leicester, January 15, 1850.

MY DEAR SIR,-I am heartily glad to see you again at your old post, giving us your counsel and guidance week by week. You will be gratified to learn that we are making some little progress here. A few of us, all workingmen, commenced a Discussion Class last Saturday night in the All-Saints' Open Room-that cradle of Leicester Chartism. We made a very fair start, and are choosing our subjects from the list that you gave in one of the back numbers of the "Plain Speaker." I like your opening letter very much. Such a Union for Progress, as that which you propose, I have long desired to see brought about. It has often struck me as being a strange anomaly, that our numerous Societies, having for their objects Reform and Progress, should be so disunited and make so little progress, when, if their efforts were conjoined, they might all in turn speedily gain their various ends. I trust that this plan will not share the fate of most good plans, which are just acknowledged to be good, approved of, and then forgotten. Leicester, surely, will do its part; though, I dare say, others will correspond with you who can speak to this point better than I can. Our little Improvement Class, being but just formed, is, as yet, too weak to do much in this matter. WM. WHITMORE.

Mr. Thomas Cooper.

Yours faithfully,

To Correspondents.

Correspondents will please address "Thomas Cooper, 5, Park Row, Knightsbridge,

London."

G. W., MARGATE.-Much obliged by his favour, and shall be glad to hear from him again. The 'Eight Letters' are already collected, and republished, at sixpence. He will observe the advertisement on the last page of the present number.

W. T., and 'SIC VALEAS.'-This Journal is published in London every Tuesday afternoon, in time for the despatch of parcels to country Agents; and plenty of posters are always supplied to the London Agents.

F. R., Islington. The song is not perfect enough for insertion. The writer may rely upon it that so far from being an objection, his muse would recommend itself to me, by the fact of his being "only a poor shoemaker." Let him not be discouraged.

'Excelsior!' W. H., Gateshead. —If America' had been counted for one of the four quarters of the world,' in a writing attributed to Irenæus, (A. D. 180,) it would amount to an argument against the authenticy of such writing; but the genuineness of the writings of Irenæus is not questioned. Some of the ancients divided the world into-Europe, Africa, and the Greater and Lesser Asia; others into-Europe, Asia, Africa, and Libya. 'Osmond Martin ;' 'X. Y. Z.;' 'Homo ;' 'S. R.;' and several other correspondents, are most respectfully informed that their letters on the proposed PROGRESS UNION are omitted for want of room. Even the letters inserted in this number have been, unavoidably, abbreviated. I am obliged to all for their communications; but they must allow me to make such selections as will afford variety.

'Slave of the Last,' Chesterfield. Am glad to hear of your beginning. Go on, and

prosper.

N.B. The letter in last number signed 'Thomas Porter,' should have borne the signature of Thomas Shorter."

'Crime: its causes and cure,' by D. Maginnis-received.

Lectures, in London, for the present and ensuing Week.

WEDNESDAY, Jan. 23, at half-past 8: Mech. Inst., Gould-sq., Crutched Friars: 'Raleigh, and the Age of Elizabeth'-Thomas Cooper.

SUNDAY, Jan. 27, at 11 : Farringdon Hall: a Lecture-Robert Owen. At 7: Causes and Consequences of European Revolutions: R. Buchanan. At 7: Literary Inst., Johnstreet, Fitzroy-sq., The Commonwealth, and Oliver Cromwell'-Thomas Cooper. At 7: Hall of Science, City Road: a Lecture-Thomas Shorter.

MONDAY, Jan. 28, at a quarter to 9: Finsbury Hall, 66, Bunhill Row: 'Primeval Human History'-G. Hedger. At 8: Temperance Hall, Broadway, Westminster: The Wrongs of Ireland'-Thomas Cooper. At half-past 8: Mech. Inst., Gould-sq.: 'Astronomy'-Albert Pennington.

WEDNESDAY, Jan. 30, at half-past 8: Mech. Inst., Gould-sq.: 'Life and Character of Sir Isaac Newton'-Thomas Cooper.

CARD PLAYING.-It is very wonderful to see persons of the best sense passing away a dozen hours together in shuffling and dividing a pack of cards, with no other conversation but what is made up of a few game phrases, and no other ideas but those of black or red spots ranged together in different figures. Would not a man laugh to hear any one of his species complaining that life is short?-Spectator. CARDS.-I have seen melancholy overspread a whole family at the disappointment of a party for cards: and when, after the proposal of a thousand schemes, and the dispatch of footmen upon a hundred messages, they have submitted with gloomy resignation to the misfortune of passing one evening in conversation with each other, on a sudden (such are the revolutions of the world) an unexpected visitor has brought them relief, acceptable as provisions to a starving city, and enabled them to hold out till the next day.-Johnson.

PREJUDICES AND HABITS.-The confirmed prejudices of a thoughtful life are as hard to change as the confirmed habits of an indolent life; and as some must trifle away age because they trifled away youth, others must labour on in a maze of error because they have wandered there too long to find their way out.-Bolingbroke.