fufe to defend poffeffions in which she had then no intereft, and will fhe, like Lear's ungracious daughters, become unkind the me ment her parent has divided her all with her?—Will she disband her knights, when the weakness of Britain moft requires her aid? It has been faid, that Ireland has an army of her own, which ferves the ftate without expence.-I will fay that the virtuous exertions of that patriotic band can only be equalled by their obedience to the laws, and regard to the conftitution of their country. They may find many abler eulogifts than I am, but none who more fincerely regards them.-I do not now think it neceffary for them to remain in arms; I would fay to the Lawyer's corps, the firft and moft refpectable-you have exercised your knowledge of law and conftitution to the advantage of your country; your wifdom and fuccefsful advice have greatly contributed to our compleat emancipation-Retire now to your honourable profeffion, and may your vigilance and attention to the facred-rules of juftice, ever fecure what your wifdom has acquired.

I would fay to the Merchants corps-you have gained us a free trade, let it now be your care to extend and improve that trade, for the advantage of your country.-Perhaps could I go round the whole kingdom, I would find fome particular merit for each particular corps; but I will fay to them all in general, that as they have been a bulwark to their country in war, I trust that they will now be the authors of her prosperity and happiness, in time of peace.

The name of foldier and volunteer has been invidioufly contrafted, as if in oppofition to each other; but this I moft pofitively deny: For was I not convinced, that the foldier's object was the protection of his country, and its conftitution, I should difdain to be a foldier; and did I not believe the volunteers to have the fame affections, I should regret that I was born an Irishman.

Mr. Parfons rofe with fome degree of warmth. He said, gentlemen feem to think, that because England fupports a navy, Ireland is bound to maintain an army; that is, England is to keep up the conftitutional defence of the ftate-Ireland, that which is not conftitutional. The fame arguments then, which are at prefent urged against reducing the army of Ireland after the late war, will be urged after every future war; and I repeat it again, this country will be a barrack for England. The Honourable Gentleman fays he speaks the voice of the people-of what people? I fpeak the fentiments of a learned and refpectable fociety, who are my conftituents. But who are his conftituents? Are they literate or illiterate? Or has he any conflituents at all?—But I am not furprifed that the affairs of the nation fhould go fo badly, when every little jefter can find the way into parliament. I do not come here with awkward attempts to be witty, on the dress of the greatest man in the nation; it may do well enough for a cap and balls, but is unbecoming the dignity of the Irish fenate.

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Major Doyle. The honourable and learned gentleman has called an army the bane of the conftitution; I know that this founds well in declamation, and has founded well in round and well turned periods a thoufand times. But will not the honourable and learned gentleman allow, that the revolution was owing to the army, that the restoration was owing to the army, and that there is no inftance in which the British or Irish army has fhewn any want of affection to their country's conftitution?

The obedience of the army of thefe kingdoms may be compared to the folar fyftem-moving on the axis of its own particular code, whilst it moves alfo on the axis of the general conftitution. —Soldiers are restricted by a double code of laws, to which they have never failed in obedience-yet this army and these men, the honourable gentlemen in their rage for reformation wish to fend intirely away from the kingdom.

Mr. Arthur Browne.-Sir, I do not rise to trouble you with long encomiums on œconomy, I fee plainly that economy is banished from your doors, and it would be folly to expect, that the neglected ftranger will ever return. We have nothing left but to look on in filent difinay, till the ftorm which profufion is gathering, fhall burst upon our heads.

But, though deftruction will inevitably fpring from prodigality, it is ftill poffible to divert its courfe. Let it at least approach us through fome other medium than that of the army; a peftilential medium which has ever been fraught with plagues and mifchiefI fpeak not of armies abfolutely neceffary to the good of the ftate; I fpeak of idle and fuperfluous armies; of unneceffary augmentations.-I know invectives against standing armies have been fo often repeated, that they are become offenfive to the faftidiousness of modern ears. But if the truth has not had its effect, it ought to be repeated, and now repeated when it is poffible to carry it into practice, and not to terminate in mere declamation. It is not lefs true, because it has been often, nor would it have been often faid if it had not been founded in reafon and in nature, and at these folemn paufes, which the conftitution has ordained in paffing our laws. At thefe facred stations which it will not fuffer us to pafs without looking around us, to fee whether we approach the precipice, I hope it will be pardonable to ftay a moment where we have ftaid before, and see whether the danger is lefs than it formerly has been.

Let us not deceive ourselves; if a fuperfluous unemployed army was ever dangerous, it is dangerous ftill. You have the augmentation now as fairly before you, as you had it in the year 1769; if you again agree to it, the army will go on increafing. It will always be an object with the crown to encrease it, and there is no probability that the influence of the crown will ever diminish. The appearance of the times is fallacious.--

While the American ftorm raged, and the winds were all abroad, we had a temporary calm from the exertions of power at home; but things will revert to their old channel-It is the nature of power ever to wish to extend itself, and if you do not take this opportunity of curbing it, if you are not jealous of its advances now, you may never be able to impede its progrefs again.

When

In the midst of a profound peace, you introduce into the country a greater number of troops than were found neceffary for its defence in the heat of conteft, and that contest against the world in arms. When the territories of Britain are reduced, and her diminished orb fhines with but half its former fplendor, you fupport a greater army than was wanted to fupply the luftre of her moft brilliant day. When your finances are exhausted, and you are oppreffed with a cumbrous debt, you maintain a greater peace eftablishment than when your treafury overflowed. the fpirit of the people is high, and virtue is at hand to affift you in pruning the luxuriance of power, you refufe to lop off that detefted augmentation which was generated in the corrupted ftream of former times. It requires neither age, nor wifdom, nor experience to fee that this is extraordinary. The people (for liberty is of a jealous nature) will not reft atisfied without knowing the caufe. They will murmur at being obliged to contribute, not to the neceffities of the ftate, but perhaps to its ruin. They will recollect that in all countries the exceflive growth of armies has terminated without exception in the downfal of liberty, and at length of government itself. They will not rest satisfied with the flimfy pretexts which have been offered, nor be lulled with the foft unmeaning notes of gratitude: What gratitude! An Hon. Friend of mine has well expofed the name. He has fhewn that it is not to the liberality of Britain, but to circumstances, to neceflity, to your own virtue, to America, that you owe your advantages. To America your temple and ftatues are due, and to that generous patriotifin which fo ably feconded her at home. Britain was cruel and unjuft for a century, and I will never believe that the learned juftice and generofity in a day. It has been faid, we at leaft owe her gratitude for opening the trade to the Weft Indian Colonies. I deny it-fhe tied our hands behind our back, and then boasted she had given us food. If fhe had fuffered us, we too fhould have had colonies: While all Europe was colonifing we should not have been idle; we fhould have had our Weft Indian and American fettlements, and as it was, our blood and our treasure contributed to the acquisition and protection of the British colonies; but England alone reaped thofe crops which were fown in that blood, and now that they have almoft perished, the boafts of having admitted us to fome little participation of the blafted fruits.

Other gentlemen have talked of wars and rumours of wars, of wars in the fouth, and wars in the north, and chilled us with the terrors of an invafion from the frozen zone. They have talked of the Turks and the Tartars.-[Mr. Ogle rofe to order.]Mr. Browne proceeded.—If I have alluded to what paffed in a former debate, I muft say in excufe, that the order to the contrary has not been ftrictly obferved by the House fince I came into it. But fuppofing we are in danger of a war, it is not by our navy we are to protect ourselves; this is the firft and favourite tenet of the prefent miniftry of England. No force you could raise could cope with the armies of France. It might be formidable to Liberty at home, but would be laughed at by the infolent foe. It might be formidable to fcattered individuals falling one by one without union, and without ftrength, it might be dangerous to a trading nation, where every man poring on the ground does not look up at the encreasing blaze of power, till he is fcorched by its rays; but it would never be a match for our foreign enemies. No, if you would really wish to be fecure at home, preferve the country in its prefent ftate, encourage every man to bear arms, place an unbounded confidence in your people, and they will place an unlimited confidence in you. Imitate the generous policy of our ancestors, who, (you will find it on your ftatute book) in times of turbulence, when the minds of men were not yet civilized, nor taught to love order and good government, yet not only encouraged, but obliged every man to bear arms and to learn the use of them. Then with mutual confidence and univerfal difcipline, you would be invinci

ble indeed,

I have done with the reasons offered by government for this measure; I will now tell them the reafons which the public without doors affign for them. They fay, that it is not through fear of a foreign enemy they wish to keep up fo large an army, but through fear of their real friends at home. Not through fear of hoftile invafion, but through fear of virtue, and liberty, and public fpirit; through fear left thefe repeated ftruggles of the people, fhould at length effectuate, in a conftitution way, a rational reform. Through fear, not of the armies of France, but, it is time to speak plainly, of the Volunteers of Ireland; of thofe Volunters whom you fo coldly thanked in the beginning for what they had done, that it was evident you wished they thould do no more. •--[Mr. Fitzgibbon rose to order.]—Mr. Browne in continuation. I have a particular objection to the nature of this army, which is coming into the country, it is, an American army fraught with flaughter, hoftile to every idea of liberty, or rather unable to diftinguifh liberty from licentioufnefs. [Major Doyle rofe to order.]-You will have your four thousand men too, whom you fent abroad for their education, and a pretty

education they have had. They will return, not as from a foreign foe with glory and patriotic ardour fitting on their crefts, but with difappointment, and revenge, and depredation painted on

their faded banners.

Let the profufion take any other shape than this. Divide your revenue board again, you would but add fix men to those who might poffibly diftinguish their own intereft from those of their country. Augment your band of penfioners, the drones cannot fting us. The eve of our declining day may retain its luftre. We may fet like the tropical fun at once in night, without that long and lingering twilight, in which we now feem doomed to wander. We might wear the fair face of liberty to the last, and appear majefic though in ruin.

Sir, I fpeak not of chimaras, or phantoms of my own brain; it is not more certain that empire haftens to decay, than that its ruin, will be accelerated by a great national debt, and an increafing army; the calamity may not come to-day or to-morrow, it may not come upon the prefent generation, but it will come upon pofterity, and the remedy will be out of their power. If there is any man mean enough to be regardless of the future generation, he may perhaps pafs quietly through his own times. But this was not the care our ancestors took of us; they raised bulwarks fufficient to defend us, though almoft virtue's felf was dead. Every man who has a spark of heavenly flame about him will follow their example. You will never have fuch another opportunity. The fpirit of your people will never be more high; the crown will never be more dependent on parliament; you will never have another American war, and if you are filent now, you may be filent for ever.

Major Doyle again arofe. He called upon the protection, upon the humanity of the Houfe, to prevent words which must rack the feelings of every foldier who confidered himfelf as doing his duty in that unfortunate war-he hoped that men who loved their country as well as the Honourable Gentleman, would not be tortured with reproach for having faithfully ferved that country; and declared that if even British defeat in America was the caule of Irish liberation, that he rejoiced in that defeat.

army

General Luttrell.-I know well enough that though an army has in more than one inftance preferved the conftitution, yet there are certain men, who from prejudice of education, hate the and all who are in any wife connected with it. Send your fon, fays Chesterfield, to the university; it is true indeed his manners will receive no great polish from it, but then he will learn to declaim for the conflitution, and to hate the army. How far the learned gentleman is an example of this obfervation, I shall not pretend to judge.