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ways to provide a fufficient quantity of corn in Ireland, and at the fame time a fufficient fecurity, by its being bonded and locked up in a warehouse, under the king's lock and the charge of cuftom-houfe officers, that no corn be ifued out for home confumption, when the price is under 27. per barrel; this will encourage the farmer to fow corn and encourage tillage. This claufe will be alfo attended with another advantage, as it will encourage foreigners, in return for their corn, to purchafe the manufactures of this kingdom. We all know that if we fend our manufactures to America, they cannot pay for them in fpecie, but will give corn or tobacco in exchange. The question therefure is, will you give encouragement to difpofe of your manufactures in foreign countries, by taking their fuperfluous corn in return, and at the fame time provide that the corn imported will not tend to deter the farmers from agriculture?

Sir Hercules Langribe was of opinion, that if 100,000 barrels of corn were in one granary, and under the care of a custom-house officer, it might be admitted by fraud to come out and be fold to the public, which would be injurious to the tillage of this country.

Mr. Gardiner faid, having corn lodged in the warehouses could not be detrimental, because by these means corn would be always at hand to fupply the poor. It might be taken out only when corn was above 30. per barrel; befides, there was another reafon why we should take care always to have a quantity of corn in Ireland. The potatoes, during the late fevere feafon, had rotted in the ground, and there might be a scarcity of that useful vegetable. As to frauds being committed, he could not fee the force of that argument, for in England no bad confequences arofe from Eaft India goods being bonded and lodged in warehouses, whence they were not to be fold for home confumption, under particular limitations expreffed in acts made for that purpose.

Sir Lucius O'Brien apprehended it would be impoffible to guard against frauds; for notwithstanding the king's lock being on one door, the merchant might have a lock on the other.

Mr. Bube had fo many objections to the claufe, that he did not know which to begin with. It had been tried in England, and did not fucceed. When corn is fcarce in Ireland, and the public fee it taken out of the warehoufes and fent abroad, we fhall, faid he, fee paragraphs in the news-papers, "that this bill is a molt refined bill, for we get corn by it into Ireland, and yet are not to make use of it, as it is to be exported." Another paragraph will fay, "Oh the cruel and unfeeling viceroy, that when there is corn in the warehouses, will not order it to be fold to the poor." The next will fay, "We hope our patriotic viceroy will interfere, and caufe the corn in the warehoutes to be fold to the poor." And one will not be wanting to inform the

public, "That the good fhip the is taking away the corn out of the warehoufes, to carry it abroad, while the people of Ireland are ftarving." And then we fhall have our volunteers called upon. "Oh is it not a terrible thing that no one will interfere to keep the corn in the kingdom?" And then, the factors, the custom-houfe officers, the viceroy, the volunteers, all will be called upon by the manufacturers, who do not understand a tittle of the corn-laws. In England they have perfons whose bufinefs it is to purchase corn, ftore it, and when the prices are at what they think reasonable, to fell it out again; but we want no Irish badgers. He oppofed the claufe, he faid, because we all know the custom-houfe officers, and that it would be next to impoffible to guard againft their frauds, especially as they are to attend without fee or reward; will they not be tempted by the merchants to give up the key? Then what becomes of your corn?

Sir Henry Cavendish declared himself decidedly against the claufe, which he would vote for, he faid, if he was a miller, if he was a corn-factor, if he was a baker, or if he was an American. But, as an Irishman, he would oppose it.

Mr. Corry defended the claufe; as by it, he hoped the commerce with America, a moft defirable object, would be extended.

Mr. Hartley-Although I am neither a corn-merchant, or factor, the claufe fhall have my hearty fupport our poor, who were recently in a ftarving condition, will feel the mott effectual relief from it. He faid, American wheat could not be imported for lefs than 27s. the barrel. From whence, he contended, there was no inducement to fmuggle.

Mr. Fofter-How can there be fraudulent exports, when there is a regular prudent import? It was impofiible any frauds could exift. The claufe was agreed to, and the Houfe adjourned.

TUESDAY, MARCH 9, 1784.

Mr. Burton reported from the committee appointed to try the merits of the Westmeath election, that John Reynolds had been guilty of perjury and prevarication before that committee, and moved that he fhould be committed to Newgate.Ordered accordingly.

Mr. Uniacke faid, that it would be neceffary for the House to go fomewhat further, or their orders would be of no effect towards promoting the falutary purposes of the law for trying contefted elections. One Miller, he said, had been, by the Speaker's order, committed to Newgate for perjury on the trial of the Cork election, but he had been informed that the Court

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of King's Bench had discharged him-He was anxious to be afcertained of the fact, and to that end moved, That the jailor of Newgate fhould attend at the bar to-morrow, in order to anfwer to the Houfe for the body of the faid Miller; or if dif charged, to fhew under what authority his discharge had been obtained.--Ordered accordingly.

A converfation took place relative to the expence of furnishing the members of the Houfe with copies of the journals bound or in fheets; Sir Henry Cavendish ftrongly contending for the latter mode, alledging, that the expence of binding w. uld make a difference of more than 3,000l. againft the nation, though the advantage to each member would be very infignificant. The laft parliament, he faid, had voted away enormous fums of money, and retrenchment in every department ought to be the object of the prefent.

Mr. Marcus Beresford faid he could not fee the juftice of vifiting the fins of a former parliament on that which is now fitting, or preventing the members of the prefent from receiving their journals bound in the ufual and proper manner, because the last parliament was lavish of the public money. The Hon. Baronet had very lately entertained a different opinion concerning national expence, when he moved for a very large fum of money to be given to a friend of his own, the Clerk of the Houfe, for revifing and making an index to thofe very journals; a fervice which was not by any means equivalent to the reward demanded.

Sir Henry Cavendish faid his knowledge of the clerk, and his friendship for him, arofe from his excellent behaviour in his office, and the zeal and alliduity with which he discharged his duty but the Hon. Member should have known that the House did not grant the large fum of money to the clerk which he had mentioned, though his great application and labour had well deferved it.

Mr. Marcus Beresford acknowleged the Houfe had not granted fo large a fum as the Hon. Baronet had propofed, but thought his merit in moving not one whit diminished by the Houfe refufing to comply.

Sir Edward Newenham gave notice that he would, at a future day, move the Houfe to grant a fum of money fufficient to purchase a fuperb fervice of plate, to be ornamented with the arms of Ireland, and kept in the caftle, for the ufe of the Lord Lieutenant for the time being. This motion, he faid, he would make on a principle of economy, for it was not only difgraceful to Ireland, but a real and very great lofs, to have her Viceroys changed every day, and to put the nation to the expence of a fervice of plate for each.

Sir Henry Cavendish gave notice that he intended to introduce a bill for lowering the intereft of money to five per cent.

Mr. Ogle faid, that if the Hon. Baronet was not very certain of the neceflity and practicability of fuch a bill, it would be better not to move it all; but if it was moved, it ought to be determined upon with all convenient fpeed, for while it was pending it muft prove injurious to the nation, by increasing the difficulty of borrowing as it had formerly been, when a univerfal alarm, both here and in England, was fpread as foon as it was mentioned. He defired to know if this bill was to have any retrospective view to money already lent?

Sir Henry Cavenaifb.-I do admit that when I formerly stated this subject, an univerfal alarm was fpread; and I do alfo admit that great induftry was used to fpread that alarm. As to any retrofpect to money already lent, fuch an abfurd and unjuft idea never entered my head; my intention is to serve the country, and I know nothing that can more effectually ferve it than making money cheap.

Mr. Ogle. As to any induftry that may have been used in fpreading the alarm, I know nothing of it; but I am answered, when the Hon. Baronet tells me his bill is to have no retrofpective view.

Sir John Parnel.-If the Hon. Baronet is not very certain of being able to carry his bill into effect, I would recommend it to him not to agitate it at all; though if it could be made effectual, 1 confefs it would be a very great advantage. This is now a rifing nation, money will be called out and find its way into trade that hitherto lay unused; nothing that could prevent this defirable circumstance should now be brought forward; we should not give the monied people an alarm by interfering with their intereft; it is a fubject in which parliament fhould interfere as feldom as poflible; nor fhould the rate of money ever be lowered, till like other commodities, it had firft found its own value in the market, and by redundancy had lowered itself.Now I will ak if that be the cafe at prefent; are there more lenders than borrowers? Or do the frequent advertisements for fums of money which cannot be obtained, even on the best fecurity at fix per cent. prove the neceffity of reducing intereft to five?

Sir Nicholas Lawless.-I fear this motion is premature, and that agitating it now will increase the already too great difficulty which gentlemen find in raising money on their eftates. As to commerce it cannot ferve it, nor does commerce ftand in need of fuch an aid, at leaft in the city of Dublin, for there the national bank is ever forward to promote the cause of commerce; but it may produce a very injurious confequence, it may preyent the monied men of England from lending upon Irish fecu

rity, the national intereft in England is five per cent. and which of them will lend upon Irifh fecurity when he can get the best in England, and receive the fame rate of intereft?

Mr. David Latouche.-If the bill be referred to a committee, I wish it would be done as foon as poffible; if I find it for the public good, I fhall give it my affiftance, I should wish, Sir, that gentlemen would advert to the fituation of this country, which wants plenty of money, and plenty of money only can operate to leffen the intereft of it. If money be fcarce, you may enact what laws you pleafe, they will be found inoperative. When people want to borrow money, they can hardly attain it at fix per cent. fhould the intereft of money be lowered, thofe who then want to borrow money will be obliged to fell their lands. This will caufe a glut in the market, and confequently the price of land muft fall, a matter requiring the moft ferious attention of this Houfe, It may indeed appear to remove fome evils, but involves circumftances dangerous to the public-for I much fear this meafure will be dangerous to the landed property of this country.

Mr. Fofer hoped the Right Hon. Baronet (Sir Henry Cavendish) would not infift on his motion now, as it was neceffary to go into a committee of fupply; and moved for the order of the day, which was carried without a divifion.

The order of the day for going into the committee of ways and means on the poft-office bill was moved.

The Houfe accordingly refolved itself into a committee of ways and means, the Right Hon. John Fofter in the chair.

Mr. Attorney General flated to the committee that fo long ago as Lord Buckingham's adminiftration, the neceflity of eftablishing the post-office of Ireland, by Irith authority, had been perceived, and in order to carry it into effect his lordship, after confulting with thofe who were beft able to give him information on the fubject, propofed to the British miniftry, that an act of feparation fhould be paffed, that no accounts fhould be kept, but that each country fhould take to its own profit, the poftage of all letters delivered within itself. This propofal was rejected by the then administration of England, and in its ftead a copy of a bill was drawn up, feparating the offices of the two kingdoms, retraining Ireland to the advantages of her internal poftage only, and granting to Great Britain the poftage of all letters from Great Britain to Ireland, and from Ireland to Great Britain. This bill was rejected by Lord Buckingham as being inadequate, and as leaving to Ireland a revenue icarcely futcient to maintain her poft-office.

It was again revived in Lord Carlisle's administration, but no effectual fteps could be taken before Lord Carlisle was fucceeded by the Duke of Portland, and during his Grace's fhort refidence nothing could be done upon the subject.