drefs of this nature was never lefs neceffary than at this time. Were gentlemen to contraft the debt of Great Britain, with the debt of this nation, they might perhaps be led to think, that we have really no caufe to be alarmed.

The revenue of England amounts to twelve millions, and her debt two hundred millions; the revenue of Ireland is one million, and the owes but three millions.-Two hundred millions divided by twelve, and three millions by one, will give the relative proportion of the debts and revenue of both

nations.

When gentlemen fo earnestly folicited an increase of the Lord Lieutenant's falary, I cannot perceive what objection they can make to my complying with that folicitation, particularly as the measure was their own, and carried by themselves. The diftreffes of the manufacturers is a perpetual theme; but perhaps thofe diftreffes do not folely arife from the badness of tradeperhaps idleness and intemperance contribute to this diftrefsand though I pity and regret that delufion, which can make them abandon their induftry, I cannot with-hold my indignation at the incendiaries who occafion their calamity, from motives of turbulent defign, and fet them madding for vifionary reforms.

When England is adverted to, it cannot be forgotten that England has furrendered every claim of controul over Ireland, reftored her rights, and with fingular generofity complied with our most ultimate wishes. All that we afked refpecting commerce, was the right of trading with all the nations in amity with our fovereign; but the right of trading with the British colonies, thofe colonies to which England has exclufive right, by establishing them at the expence of fo much of her blood and treafure, was an idea which could not enter into any man's head, without the indulgence of England; and yet, the liberality of England granted that indulgence, by giving us an equal participation in her plantation trade. After fuch proofs of good will and felf-denial, after exhibiting a noblenefs of conduct, which placed her affection in the moit unequivocal light, is this a time to talk of Brirish illiberality, when the admits us not only to a participation of every commercial advantage the enjoys, but protects our trade with fleets maintained at an enormous expence, to which we never contributed the fupport of a fhilling?

I cannot admit that the prefent addrefs is neceffary, and I think the Houfe will be of the fame opinion. I fhall therefore, as the most refpectful way of getting rid of it, move the order of the day, for going into a committee on the bill for establishing an high court of admiralty in Ireland: A bill, which in itfelf, affords an inftance, among many others, of the wide dif

ference of the times when fuch an address would appear neceffary, and the present time.

Mr. Molyneux rofe to make a few obfervations on the many unjuftifiable attempts which had been made to caft an odium on the measure he lately propofed to the Houfe. As the integrity of the meafure, fays he, could not be impeached in any other fhape, it has been placed on the ground of originating from the Treasury Bench; but I beg leave to obferve on my own behalf, that I stand here as independent a member as any in the House, and I think myfelf called upon to fay fo, when vile infinuations are given, which muft meet my utter contempt. The word preme~ ditated has been dropped. If the Honourable Gentleman who uttered that word, would thereby imply, that I made the motion at the inftance of, and with the knowledge of the gentlemen who generally occupy that bench, he is mifinformed, and has mifinformed the Houfe. As I do not inhabit the feat of fcience, I cannot, perhaps, boaft the advantages of the Honourable Member, nor can I boaft fucking in knowledge with every breath ; but there is no man I will yield to in purity of intention, ncr will I yield in purity of heart, to any man who hears metherefore, I will not fuffer any man to whisper away my character.

My feelings have been hurt, and if I have trefpaffed on the patience of the Houfe, it must be attributed to thofe feelings.When infinuations have been thrown out injurious to my honour, it becomes neceffary I fhould maintain that honour.

The Right Honourable Secretary who fits upon that bench, has been allo attacked with the fame impropriety of languagelanguage, which in my opinion, is more injurious to the man by whom it is uttered, than to the object to whom it is appliedThat Right Honourable Gentleman has conducted himself with becoming delicacy, and has not been backward in declaring that great favings may be made in the army extraordinaries. The ferious difpofition he evinces to go into that bufinefs, will not, for mere oppofition fake, meet oppofition from me. I fhall, on the contrary, hold myself thankful for every retrenchment he shall make.

To thofe gentlemen who talk of the fuccefslefs mock battles fought in their abfence, I thall only observe, that it reminds me of a foldier, who, abandoning his comrades at an approaching engagement, returns after their defeat, and cries out, "O fie, boys! How comes it you were fo fhamefully beaten? Had I been there I would have determined the fate of the day.""And why,

were you not there?" replied his comrades. So may I truly afk, why did gentlemen abandon their duty, when their country's fate was in queftion? The measure was not ftole into the House, and why did they not attend to support it? Sufficient notice was

given of it to every one within doors, and every one without doors was apprized of it. With what propriety, therefore, can thofe men throw out infinuations againft my conduct, when they were themfelves guilty of a criminal abfence?

Mr. Corry rofe, and in a torrent of elocution, that from its perfpicuity, fwiftnefs, matter and manner, we find ourselves unable to convey an adequate idea of, reprobated in the fevereft terms the late practice of calling for the order of the day; and then, af ter anfwering the Attorney General's objections to the addrefs, obferved, that no Lord Lieutenant had ever come to this kingdom in more favourable circumftances than the prefent, fent here under the auspices of the Duke of Portland, a nobleman that may truly be faid to have given us a conflitution, and who during his ftay here, had planned effectual retrenchments :-To any viceΤΟΥ whom it has been the gracious will of his fovereign to appoint, this country has always given the most implicit confidence on his arrival, and to that miniftry, which gave hopes that they would act upon the principies of the noble Duke, under whofe aufpices they arrived here, and which was certainly to be fairly implied from his appointment under that noble Duke's adminiftration, the, greatest confidence was given, of a conduct, truly according with the real whig principles which that party profefs: the country repofed themfelves in fure and certain hope, that economy in the adminiftration of the government, regard to the conflitution, attention to the people, would be the leading features of the picture to be drawn of their future conduct; that if the wishes of the people fhould generally lead to any particular point, they were fure, if not of the most immediate compliance, at least of the mott flattering attention; that if the constitution, or the proceedings in parliament could be rendered more to accord with the fpirit of the true whig friends of the country, that both would be promoted to the utmoft of their power;-that if reduction of expence could be effected, no efforts would be wanting to give immediate birth to plans of retrenchment, and efficacy to meafures of œconomy—that an extenfive and wife fyftem of commerce would be propofed and adapted, and that arrangements would be made upon the lafting foundation of justice and equity, between the two countries, in order that the immutable principles of right and truth, being once clearly laid down, and mutually agreed in, all future pollible diffenfion might be for ever precluded between them; and to crown the whole, as peace was happily restored, whatever were the terms of it, that the feafon furnished the mott ample means and opportunity of putting into effect without moleitation, all the wife and happy meafures, which wanted only fuch a feafon for their full maturity, and for the nation to reap that harveft of fubftantial advantage, which their own virtues had in glorious and immortal efforts fown the feeds of.—But alas,

Sir, thefe flattering profpects have proved all delufion, and there is the moft decided reafon, in reviewing the conduct that has been held, for withdrawing our confidence from the prefent adminiftration, and agreeing in an addrefs which contains in itself, an unde'niable train of facts, and concludes with ftating, that we cannot confide in the promifes of his Majefty's minifters, and therefore implore his Majefty's affiftance againft them, upon the subject of œconomy; the truth of this, Sir, muft appear whether you turn your eyes to your military establishment, to your commercial fyftem, or to your internal economy.

As to your military establishment the bleffings of peace are reftored, but your army is continued as burthenfome as daring the war: But you are promifed a faving in army extraordinaries; the reduction of your army establishment would have been an effectual retrenchment of expence, the extraordinaries of your army. must be reduced by the nature of the fervice in time of peaceThus retrenchment is refufed you, in the only article where retrenchment could be effectual, that is in the reduction of your army; and a paltry œconomy promifed you in the only article where profufion is impracticable, that is in the extraordinaries of your army. Though your war eftablishment is kept up, there is not even the extenuation of any statement, to fhew that the troops or the garrifons of Great Britain require it, or that the empire is thereby put in any refpect in a better fituation: Where are the documents to fhew the neceflity for armies, when Great Britain is fitting down in peace, or the demand for garrisons when she has loft thirteen provinces, and evacuated the continent of America ?-Had the required them, Ireland would have fuftained the burthen with pleafure, ftanding upon the ground of the neceflitics of Great Britain, and animated and supported by the conscious dignity, and pride of difinterested generofity; that generofity which is one of the characteristic virtues of your nation: and therefore as this measure muft ftrike the people of Ireland, it must appear a meafure of profufion and prodigality, not warranted by any neceffity, and to Great Britain it muft appear a dupery upon this country; fince you have neither the merit of granting a favour, nor the advantage of claiming an acknowledgment. But the object is different from any of thefe, an army of patronage, not of protection, is to be your establishment; an army of the minifter, not an army of the country-an army of officers, not an army of men-an army that a general would laugh at, if he knew his profeffion, and an enemy defpife-an army burthenfome in maintenance, and infufficient in fervice-one merit, however, must be given to the advisers of this measure, that it is of all armies the beft calculated for the fituation of this kingdom, where influence alone is wanting to the minifter, not protection to the coun

try. Does this give you confidence in the economy of his Majefty's minifters ?

Does the ftate of your commercial fyftem inspire confidence in them? To a queftion of national œconomy as this is, commercial confideration can never be deemed foreign; for economy always includes a confideration of means, and their fufficiency or infufficiency to their purpofes, and commerce is in this as in every other country, the fource of thofe means which are to be confidered.At the opening of the feflion, the fubject of commerce was prefented to the attention of the minifter; and when a member moved an enquiry into one branch, which evidently ftood in need of regulation, though it was then denied that it did fo, he was told, that he ought not to fritter away the greatnefs of the subject by frivolous enquiries, that a great fyflem was to be formed, and brought forward by miniftry. I happened to be that member who incurred the rebuke, and I congratulated the House then upon the evidence it gave of a great commercial fyftem being fo far formed and fashioned, as to be liable to be deranged by any interference of another hand; and is it poffible that every man in this Houfe, and that every man in the nation, fhould be left to this time in ignorance, not of what are to be the commercial regulations, for thofe might require time and are trivial in comparifon, but of the commercial principles of this country; principles that ought to be clearly flated, fully digefted, generally approv ed, and univerfally avowed-to leave this undone, fhews an incapacity or a criminality, that I am forry to be obliged to impute; incapacity to a minifiry unable to form fuch a fyftem is urely to be imputed, and criminality to a miniftry neglecting to form and bring it forward, is furely to be charged.

And here let me call your attention to a subject that demands your utmoft vigilance-if ever you rejoiced in the name of a free trade, or if ever you gloried in a free conftitution to protect that trade; you rejoiced in things certainly neceffary to your happiness, but certainly of abftract nature only. You are now to apply thofe acquifitions practically the only way in which they are valuable, and to lay your hand upon the substance in which they exift; for without that fubftance they are meer empty words, plaufible topics of declamation, fruitful fources of popular applaufe. You are now to fubftantiate the bleffings of a free trade, by the power and energy of a free conftitution-you are now to fettle the principles of your commerce, as an independent country, and that in two different fituations: first as a federative country with the fifter kingdom, and fecondly, as a fovereign country with the reft of the world-two very diftinct arrangements: What thofe arrangements are to be, I am far from prefuming to fay, but I will fay, that it behoves us to confider them well, and that fpeedily. And, Sir, let me call your attention