would not therefore infift upon the particular mode of wording it, but that was the fenfe it ought to purfue.

Mr. Huffey entered largely into the navigation act; he confidered it as a matter of little importance whether it was law in this kingdom or not; it was defigned to give every advantage to England, Ireland, Wales and Berwick upon Tweed. By fome mifchance in the renewal of that act, Ireland was not particularly named, but the obvious meaning of the law was to give an advantage to these kingdoms in the trade of the British colonies. Ireland, at the time this act was made, was by no means confidered as an alien kingdom, though now fhe was looked upon as fuch by Great Britain, and upon that ground, the tobacco of thefe ports were not received in hers. He objected to the amendment formerly propofed by the Right Honourable Gentle, man, because it was making the revenue officer the judge of what was law, and what was not; it was leaving him to decide whether we ought to take tobacco from England by a conftruction of the law, though that kingdom, upon a conftruction of the fame law, refused to receive it from us, and looked upon us as an alien kingdom; he would therefore agree to the amendment of his Honourable Friend.-Mr. Huffey difplayed much legal knowledge, and we have only to lament that he spoke fo extremely low, it was impoilible for us to give an accurate recital of his argument, which would have done him much honour, and given us the greateft fatisfaction; the above is, however, the fubftance of what we could hear.

Mr. Corry faid, the bill was of greater confequence than gentlemen perhaps at first fight imagined. It appeared at first view as if it was a queftion relative to the intereft of the tobacco merchant alone; as fuch, it was of weight, but if that House fhould imagine it was confined to that fimple point, they were much mistaken. No, it involved in it the fundamental fyftem of our trade; it was to establish whether Ireland fhould take advantage of her geographical fituation-whether Ireland should become the emporium of the world--considered as fuch, it was a queftion of the first magnitude. He was confcious of the little knowledge he had in matters of trade, he knew his inabilities; he was not even accustomed to take as much share in their debates, and therefore not as well ufed to fpeak in public as he ought to be, from the length of time he had been in parliament, he therefore hoped the Houfe would fhew him fome indulgence; and he would to God fome of the Right Honourable Gentlemen on the treafury bench would fee it in the light that he beheld it in. He had not confequence fufficient in that House, and he knew fometimes a degree of confequence was neceffary; be had not therefore propofed any amendment, he had only afked a question of the Right Honourable Gentleman who had

T

introduced the bill, to that queftion the gentleman had given no anfwer, but had referred him to another; he could fee that if the bill paffed thus, the revenue officer of England would, under an interpretation of the navigation act, refufe to receive the fame commodities from this kingdom, which this kingdom under the conftruction of the fame act, permitted to be imported here from Great Britain. This was to convert the channel of trade to England; though when our western fituation was confidered, when the advantage of our infurance, freightage, and almost every other naval benefit was fo much more in favour of this country, infinitely fuperior to what England enjoys, there cannot be a doubt but that this country will, in time, be the emporium of the world, if you are likewife to take care to form, at the beginning, a proper fystem.

Mr. Fofter faid, he allowed the queftion the gentleman alluded to, which was, if he understood right, whether Ireland should receive commodities from England of the growth of Afia, Africa and America, though England refufed to receive thofe commodities from us; if that was the question, he acknowledged with the Honourable Member, it was indeed one of the firit magnitude, but he did not think that queftion was now before the Houfe; that would come on poffibly by itself, but no bill ever was more grofsly misunderstood than the prefent. He had already declared a decided opinion, that it was unfair in England to refuse those commodities from us, and whenever that question came before the Houfe, as far as his poor voice would go, he would ftrenuously fupport the rights of Ireland. Did gentlemen then imagine, that after having made fuch a declaration, he would introduce a bill which fhould militate against it. Would gentlemen have faith for once--would they do him the justice to believe his affertion-had the Honourable Member who objected to the bill, read that bill?—[Here he paufed and received no anfwer.] The Honourable Member has not then read the bill; he is arguing upon a matter which he has not made himself acquainted with. If it is imagined that there is any thing in this bill, which can by implication be conftrued to do away the navigation act, I am ready to make the amendment formerly propofed; I think it much better than that mentioned by the Honourable and Refpectable Reprefentative for the city of Dublin, and for this reafon, because it will then leave the main question juft in its prefent ftate. But what will his do? totally destroy the very principle he wants to establish; by making one exception, you allow the right of importing every other article; befides, do gentlemen recollect, that the prefent bill is only to continue in force for fifteen months; and is the great fyftem of our trade a matter to be introduced into a bill of fuch thort duration? No, it fhould be in a bill that was to be permanent-that was to ftand for ever the charter of our commerce.

Secretary Pelham thought it neceffary to say a few words, left fhould he be filent, it might be imagined he agreed with the Right Honourable Gentleman who fpoke laft;-he certainly did not agree with him-he did not take this to be a queftion whether the navigation act was to be conftrued the fame way here as in Great Britain. It was merely whether this kingdom would fuffer tobacco to be imported here from England, as has formerly been the cafe, or not? As to whether England will take tobacco from you, that must be determined in another place; this feems rather an hoftile measure, and would be better left to the interference of minifters.

Mr. Fitzgibbon faid, the amendment mentioned by the Honourable Gentleman, was nonfenfical and abfurd-it was to enact, that no tobacco fhould be received into this kingdom, but the very fame which had been exported into England from this country; that was in fact faying, we will not import tobacco from England, which is not carried over there by fome gentleman in his tobacco-box, and which, when he returns, he may poffibly bring back. This was abfurd, and downright nonfenfe.

Mr. Corry anfwered, that the gentleman had full liberty to call the amendment as he had mentioned it, nonfenfical and abfurd, because the nonfenfe was his own-it was not the amendment propofed by his Honourable Friend; had he looked into that, he would have found that the amendment was, that no tobacco fhould be imported from Great Britain into Ireland, other than such as may be exported from Ireland into Great Britain. A Right Honourable Gentleman had asked him, did he read the bill; to that he could answer, that while that Right Honourable Member, and other Right Honourable and Honourable Members went up to the caftle with an address, which he wished had never been votedwhich he thought ought not to have been carried, and which [Here he was called to order by Mr. Fofter, as cenfuring the majority of the House of Commons, in faying an addrefs, voted by them, ought never to have been voted nor carried.]

Mr. Fofter was called to order by Sir Henry Cavendish, who faid it was very wrong to put words in gentlemen's mouths, which they had not faid, and then to call them to order. The Member had only faid, he wifhed it had not been voted-he thought it ought not to be carried-This was perfectly in

order.

Mr. Fofter was happy, he had miftaken the words, and was fure the gentleman would, himself, be glad that he had called him to order, as others near him had mistaken him alfo.

Mr. Corry faid, he had a right to deliver his opinion upon any measure, even though it had paffed the Houfe, otherwife how could he animadvert on the conduct of any minifter; and he would animadvert on the conduct of minifters-he would probe them

inch by inch till he got to the bottom of their actions; and while the minister and others went up with the address, which he wished had never been voted, and which he thought ought not to have been carried, he employed himfelf in perufing that bill; and when gentlemen confider that thefe bills were hurried through the House when only four or five members were prefent, he believed they would allow he had got all the information time would permit him; but that gentlemen might be well informed, he would move for the further confideration of it to be poftponed 'till Tuesday next, and if that was carried, he would move that the bill might be printed.

The Attorney General hoped it would not be put off for a moment-it was a money bill, and must be paffed before the 25th of December; but he was forry, when there was business of confequence going forward, to fee empty benches, and when nothing was to be done, the House and galleries were crowded.

Mr. Molyneux faid, he was to bring on his promised motion, relative to a tax on abfentees, and he was forry to hear the Right Honourable Gentleman call that bufinefs nothing; he thought it a matter of importance.

The Attorney General faid, he thought it of the greatest importance to this country, that it fhould be fpeedily and univerfally reprobated.(He was called to order by Mr. Molyнеих.)

The queftion, for adjourning the confideration of the bill until Tuefday next, was then put, and negatived without a division.

Mr. Molyneux moved to poftpone it till to-morrow, a division there appeared,

Ayes,
Noes,

60

119

and on

Mr. Hartley then moved his amendment, which was negatived; after which the Houfe agreed with the committee on the whole bill.

Mr. Burgh reported from the Leitrim committee, that the Right Honourable Theophilus Clements was not duly elected, and ought not to have been returned.--A writ for a new election was ordered.

Mr. Molyneux rofe, and reminded the Houfe, that confonant with their order of a former day, no other bufinefs was to precede the difcuffion of the motion he propofed fubmitting to the confideration of the Houfe. He had, he complained, been forced much against his inclination, to poftpone the bufinefs from day to day-it was a matter of too much magnitude to be thus frittered away. His character was committed on the occafion, and he

hoped it would not go abroad that the blame, in any respect, lay

with him.

Mr. Parfons was, (though a friend to the principles of the bill) against the Speaker's leaving the chair, as he thought the time very improper for the difcuffion of fuch a subject.

Hon. Wefley Pole was a decided enemy to the principle itfelfyet, as it had fo often been deferred, and was of fuch national importance, he was for taking the fenfe of the Houfe on it now. He was therefore for the Speaker's leaving the chair, though when the bufinefs would be brought forward, he was determined to vote against it.

The Houfe having refolved itfelf into a committee, Mr. Fofter in the chair,

Mr. Molyneux. I rife to introduce a queftion of the utmost importance to this kingdom. This I have communicated to fome gentlemen, who then expreffed their warmeft approbation of this measure. Before the bufinefs ftood in need of their affiance, they were liberal in their promifes of fupport-now that it craves their aid, they refufe it-they fay the time is improper. I would not have been fo urgent with this bufincfs, had I imagined the committee of ways and means would have continued fo long open. The bill I intend to have the honour to fubmit to this Houfe, tends to remove a grievance long and juftly a matter of complaint. The noblemen and gentlemen, poffefling large eftates in this kingdom, but who spend their incomes in another, cannot be faid to contribute, in proportion to the property they poffefs, to the fupport of the ftate-You have it to chufe whether a general land-tax fhall be adopted, equally affecting the innocent and guilty, or whether you will tax abfentees only. In all governments it is, and ever was a maxim, to pay a part for the 1ecurity afforded to the remainder of men's properties. The abfentees do not contribute their juft proportion.-Allegiance and protection were always reciprocal, notwithtanding the modes of exercifing it may have differed. Feudal fervices were first the equivalent of protection, and certain lands annexed to the kingly office. As the far greater part of the crown lands are alienated, and nothing of the feudal fyftem remaining, fave the name, it is found neceffary to have recourfe to general taxation for the fupport of the executive power; in the impofition of which, the eafe of and advantages of the community fhould ever be the land-marks --the charts to fteer by. That this bill anfwers these ends, in my mind, requires no demonftration. But before I proceed, permit me to obviate one objection, which to fome feems a trong. one, but in my opinion a mere phantom. Gentlemen, Sir, fay, that an abfentee tax would introduce a land-tax-A trifling objection deferves a trifling anfwer. I will therefore fay, it would have that effect as much as a tax on foap, or any other commo