Abbildungen der Seite
PDF
EPUB

Mr. Grattan.-I never gave a vote with more fatisfaction in my life, than the vote I gave a few nights ago on this fubject. I voted against the retrenchment of the military peace eftablishment, to preferve the honour of the nation.

This motion has been put to-night upon a queftion which has been determined already, by a decifion of this Houfe. This establishment has been continued fourteen years.

When it was propofed before, it was moved that an addrefs fhould be prefented to his Majefty, accompanied with a report of 1768. To prefent fuch a report, would be giving the idea that we could reconfider that report of 1768. That report was then before the adminiftration, and men of the first characters were parties in that report. It was made before the augmentation took place. It was made by the Right Honourable Gentleman who voted for the augmentation in 1769. The queftion of this night fet out with a fair profpect of ill fuccefs. It is wanted to go into the establishment of 1751; but that is impollible. The first thing which ftands in your way is the additional pay to dragoons, you muit ftrike off the pay to the dragoons, and the increase of pay to the infantry, and the allowances for expences. A foldier has to encounter expences in every article. Does the Right Honourable Gentleman mean to go back to the middle of this century? Since that period the rent of lands have increased one-third; in order, therefore, to go back, you must lower the price of land, and even that would not be fufficient; you must alter the price of hay and oats, and all the neceffaries of life. Making every allowance, what great advantage does he boast of? What would be the faving if the military eftablishment be reduced to what it was in 1751? In the pay of dragoons 5,100l. and 1,500!. in the pay of infantry. The half pay muft be broke. All expences together, amount to 368,000l. The gentleman's political schemes are like noftrums; they will not answer the end propofed. The gentleman's arguments go to the queflion of the augmentation; but are we to take from the kingdom part of the fupport of the empire, merely to fave to Ireland an expence of 52,000l. per year, for I can make it appear it is no more? cannot decide for this motion with honour to your country. The revenues in 1769, when you voted this augmentation, were lefs; but the revenues for the laft two years have encreafed 100,000l. per year. The free trade is a refource which we have not yet derived the benefit of; but it is fuch a refource as we had not when we voted the augmentation in 1769. You had hot fuch resources as you have now.

You

What has been the change of affairs in England? Great Britain has added millions to her debt. You were the propounders of the augmentation, when the kingdom was labouring under every

difadvantage in point of trade. Will gentlemen tell you now, that, animated with the fpirit of liberty, being now in a fuperior fituation to what you were in 1769, the maintaining of 15,000 men is diftrefsful to Ireland. Every argument in favour of the augmentation in 1769, is in favour of it now, and will you now plead inability, in order to withdraw the coverture? I admire ceconomy as much as any man; but will a generous nation make excules for breach of a covenant!-A nation which has two millions and a half of men, and the benefit of the plantation trade, and an increafing revenue; is fuch a nation unable to support 15,000 men? This is a queftion of empire, and not of party.

I have heard in this Houfe great profeflions of gratitude, and are we now to be told we want gratitude, or are we to banish the idea of generofity from thefe walls? I fay you owe to Great Britain the plantation trade? You have now an intereft in the empire of England, to defend it against any attack of the House of Bourbon, and you are only to maintain a part of the army for the general defence of the empire: to maintain 15,000 men. It is but justice to maintain them, for Great Britain has increased her navy, which is for the protection of this kingdom as well as Great Britain; you are neceffarily bound to contribute in fome shape or other; and you are asked to continue the army of 15,000 men. Strike off all idle expences, look to the accounts, look to the civil establishment, there is an increase of 200,000l. but the military establishment ought not to be cut off. Apply the amputation where neceffary; but do not difband the army. The fpirit of the people of England is in favour of Ireland, it is unwife to make her regret thofe periods in which the gave you advantages; there was a firmnefs and moderation in the conduct of Irishmen then, and the high character of Ireland will be advanced in adhering to the fame conduct now. Great Britain was the object of your heart in 1769, and will you in 1783, be confidered as wanting faith? For in 1782, you told Great Britain you would ftand or fall by her. Will you now fully the honour of the Irish nation by disbanding 3,000 men, for faving of 50,000l. in order to take from England thofe men which you augmented in 1769, before you received any benefits?

No man has a greater refpect for the people than I have, but with respect to the prefent question, it is for the honour of the nation thefe men fhould be maintained.

This is not a queftion of equalization, the point to be decided is, whether the expences of your army can be diminished; can you diminish the pay of a foldier a halfpenny per day? You cannot do it, or you must first order the prices of the neceffaries of life to be lefs. It is not the object or wifh of the people to pick the pocket of a poor foldier of a halfpenny a day. I think it is for

the intereft of my country, that these 15,000 fhould be maintained, as they are part of the army for the whole empire. I am for making all practicable retrenchments. Let us go into the committee, and fee whether you cannot make other retrenchments. This question has been pretty fully difcuffed, I fhall only add, that as far as I know of the prefent adminiftration, they will enter into every practicable œconomy; I do not conform to them, but they conform to me; a man may do juftice to both. With refpect to the court of admiralty in this kingdom being put on an eftablishment feparately from England, our right to external legiflation, was a fpontaneous unfolicited grant from Great Britain. We have got an annual bill of supply, but thefe measures were not blazoned out. With respect to the reduction of our military establishment, while I live I never will take away the forces of our common empire.

Mr. Brownlow faid, I never rofe with greater diffidence or reluctance to oppose the Right Honourable Gentleman under whose banners I have fo often fought, though unequal to the combat; my maxim is, to condemn measures, not men. It requires no great abilities to fee, that the expence of 12,000 men must be less than maintaining 15,000. The question is, whether a retrenchment is neceffary? Our accumulated debt is a proof of this. Our free trade is nothing but a name at prefent, it produces nothing but expences; the numerous applications from infant manufactures for aid, is a sufficient proof of this. Great Britain does not require fo large an army, for her dominions are reduced, We were ne

ver remifs in fhewing our affection for our fifter kingdom, but the military establishment is the only fund where retrenchment can now be made.

Mr. Flood. There is one idea, which I cannot suffer to remain upon the breast of the House for a minute. I fay, on the breast of the Houfe, for it is addreffed to our paffions.-It would be difhonourable, we are told, in the moment of Britain's distress, to withdraw our quota of troops, and to break the covenant, which we had made with her in her days of profperity.-Who will fay there ever was any fuch covenant?-Who will fay that any fuch covenant now exifts?-If there be, let it be fhewn; that if it be exprefs, we may rectify and perform it. If it be implied, that we may confider the extent of that implication.-I will not fuffer ideal imaginary covenants to obtrude themfelves on the public fentiments. By such covenants every motion for œconomy may be barred, every attempt for retrenchment defeated; for you may be called breakers of covenants on every other occafion, and with equal juftice be taxed with ingratitude.

Mr. Grattan.-I faid that the military establishment was covenanted; but I never said that I would support domestic profusion: I never faid, I would bar every kind of œconomy.

Mr. Flood. I fay the principle goes to that, it either gives a fanction to all expence, or it does not.-If it does, it is an abfolute prohibition to economy. I fay no exprefs covenant can be fhewn, and I truft I will prove that no implied covenant exists.— I fay, no man can fhew that the expence of the army is fuch, as we are even now able to bear: and did we then agree, that if England acknowledged the right of Ireland, we were to fupport 15,000 men? Mr. Fitzpatrick, the Secretary at War in Great Britain, was here when the covenant was made, if any covenant ever was made; now, Mr. Fitzpatrick, when he propofed the reduction of the British troops, faid that as to Ireland, he could not fay what number of troops her parliament would think proper to fupport. Was this the language of one, who knew of a covenant, and he must have known it, if any covenant had exifted—I rely upon it if there had, Mr. Fitzpatrick would have faid, the Irish nation is bound by covenant to maintain fuch a number of troops; and I contend for it that as he did not use this argument, that the British nation does not confider us as bound to maintain any fpecific number of forces. It is wrong, therefore, at a late hour of the night, to impofe a covenant on us. It is an idle dream, and I fhould think myself the bafeft man in the world to tell you that fuch a covenant exifted. I do not wish to give you liberty, to ftrip you of that liberty.-I could go much further, but my ill ftate of health prevents me. I do not want to go into the ftate of the expences in 1751.-I am not here with a mill ftone about my neck, to give my affent to meatures I cannot fupport. I must depend upon the juftice of this Houfe to believe I could add much more in favour of this motion, if my health permitted me.

[ocr errors]

Mr. Grattan.-The Honourable Gentleman mistakes me ftrange ly, if he fuppofes, that I faid the covenant was preferred together with our claim of right.-We faid, indeed, to England when we preferred that claim, that we must share her conftitution, and would fhare her fate; and I admit that we are not bound in law, to fupport the establishment, though I contend, we are bound in bonour.

Mr. Denis Daly.-The Honourable Gentleman who proposed the amendment, has fupported it with all his ufual ability, and with that eloquence which can make the worse appear the better reafon; and fo plaufible does that reasoning appear, that nothing but the moft full conviction of the principle, could make me attempt to fupport the military establishment as it now stands.

In fupporting that establishment, I have the fanction of an act of this Houfe; I have a fanction which I confider almost as highly as the authority of the Honourable Gentleman himself. For the augmentation was founded on a principle which had the support of all parties. It is recollected by every body, that when the augmentation was firft propofed it was rejected.-On its fecond propofi

tion, it was received as an acceffion to the conftitution. If it was at that time prudent to increafe our army, what has fince happened to authorize a reduction, or to fhew that it is neceffary? On the contrary, I fay, our fituation both external and internal, rather calls for an augmentation. If after the last wars, when the reputation of England was a tower of strength, it was proper to increase our armies, what ought we to do at this day, when the efforts of France and Spain have been more fuccefsful?

I value œconomy as much as any man, but economy is dearly. purchafed, with the lofs of fafety,

America was the theatre of former wars, it is now the ally of our enemies. Minorca might alfo have been formerly called a kind of outwork to Ireland, it is now in the hands of Spain; and it is not improbable that the House of Bourbon will profit by her paft experience; fhe will not year after year, wafte her blood and spend her treasure before Gibraltar, but if a war broke out again, will carry it into this country; and I cannot therefore agree to itrip it of its defence.

The volunteers of Ireland have been mentioned in this debate. To give them praise is but to join the general voice; but I cannot think, that it would be prudent to leave the defence of the kingdom to a body of men, whose slightest motion government does not direct, and whom the state has not the power to retain embodied for a fingle hour,

Were I worthy to fuggeft a fentiment to thofe great and refpectable bands, it is, that they fhould referve themfelves for great occafions, and not liften to the inflammatory fpeeches of men, whofe utmost wishes are to mislead them.

Mr. Flood.-The Honourable Gentleman has learned his language from his fituation; and has foon become an adept in the fpeeches which flow from office.

Mr. Daly.-I do declare, I never did make any one official speech whatsoever in my life; and rather than do fo, I would follow the example of the Honourable Gentleman himself, and be filent while in office.

The House then divided,
For the Amendment,

Against the Amendment,

65

143

Tellers for the Ayes, the Honourable Mr. Browne, and Mr.

Parfons.

Tellers for the Noes, General Luttrell, and M. jor Doyle.

The main question, as propofed by Sir Henry Cavendijh, was then put, and carried unanimouily.

Mr. Fofter moved, that it be an inftruction to the committee of fupply, to inquire how many men are neceffary for the defence of this kingdom.

« ZurückWeiter »