guised and at great risk to his life, through the Macedonian garrison towns, and there, though surrounded by spies, had successfully won officers and men over to the cause, like his friend Niazi desired no recognition of his patriotic work, and, modest as he is able, was glad to accept the simple post of military attaché at Berlin. Recalled by his country's danger when the counter-revolution broke out, he joined the army at Salonica, and now, on April 24, he was leading across the Taxim Square a charge of regular troops and volunteersMoslems, Christians and Jews-fighting shoulder to shoulder against a Moslem foe, a strange thing, indeed, to come about in Turkey. These men fought splendidly under their young leader, but so deadly a fire was opened upon them from the loopholed barracks that here, too, artillery had to be employed to overpower the defence. Guns were dragged up the steep, narrow streets by the willing populace and opened fire at very short range upon the barracks and the Taxim guardhouse. Then there was a rush of the Turks, Bulgarians and white-capped Albanians, and the defenders, after a three hours' resistance, which cost the attacking force many casualties, hoisted the white flag and surrendered.

While barracks were being thus assaulted, and there was hand-to-hand fighting in the streets of Pera, the commander-in-chief of the Macedonian forces had made most careful dispositions to

preserve order in the great city and protect the civilian population. A detachment of troops was sent to guard each embassy. Bodies of regulars, cadets and volunteers patrolled the streets of Pera and Galata, shooting down such Marines and Kurds as were attempting to loot the shops, and making prisoners of all the soldiers belonging to the garrison whom they came across. In Stamboul the troops seized hundreds of spies, softas and hodjas, who, after stirring up the evil passions of the garrison and the populace, had taken refuge in the mosques. By noon, quiet had been restored in Constantinople, and in the evening the troops quartered in the Selimieh barracks at Scutari surrendered to the Macedonian regiments which had been transported across the Bosphorus to compel the submission of these men, and to intercept fugitives from the capital.

These operations were all planned and carried into execution with a wonderful skill. The discipline, courage and irreproachable conduct of the Macedonian troops aroused the admiration of all foreign observers. The wild-looking volunteers from the mountains fought as bravely as the regulars, and their behaviour was exemplary. That evening nearly twenty thousand fighting men, flushed with victory, were scattered through the great city, and yet there appear to have been no cases of drunkenness or irregularities of any description. The suppression of the counter

revolution has provided a good object-lesson to show the world what manner of men the Turks are and of what things they are capable. It was the triumph of the right cause the cause that represents enlightenment, justice, liberty and true patriotism-as opposed to tyranny, corruption, fanaticism and ignorance.

The capital was in the hands of the Young Turks; the forces of reaction had been crushed; a state of siege was proclaimed; some thousands of arrests were made; the more guilty received the punishment which they deserved, and the others were treated with leniency, for, while justice was administered, anything that savoured of vengeance was disallowed; the First Army Corps was disbanded and the mutinous soldiers were sent to Macedonia, where they are to be well employed in constructing the much-needed roads; Tewfik Pasha and his ministers sent in their resignations, but withdrew them at the desire of the Deputies and consented to carry on the government provisionally.

In short, the Young Turk régime was firmly re-established by men who acted with discretion and decision after a crisis that perhaps has done more good than harm, for it has cleared the atmosphere and effected a reconciliation between such political foes as have in common the love of country and the determination to uphold the Constitution.

In the meanwhile the great Yildiz Palace, its guard of Prætorians dispersed, was closely surrounded by the Macedonian troops, and within it was the Sultan Abdul Hamid, deserted by most of his cowardly courtiers, awaiting his doom. Men discussed the question as to whether he would be permitted to remain on the throne, or be deposed, or be executed. There were some who loved him not, yet thought that the deposition or putting to death of the Sultan might be impolitic, for they feared lest such a step might rouse the fanaticism of Asia and plunge the Empire into civil war and anarchy. On the other hand, there were those who felt that, after all that had happened, it was impossible that the Parliament could ever again work in co-operation with Abdul Hamid; for the Young Turks were convinced that the Sultan had betrayed them, and had connived at the reactionary plot. They could never trust him again. They maintained that if any power was left to Abdul Hamid, the Palace would be a centre of intrigue against the Constitution, and that if he was retained on the throne it could only be as a nominal ruler, without authority, closely watched, ever suspected, a Sultan by sufferance and in name only, and, as such, one whom the Mohammedan world could no longer look up to with respect as its head. The Young Turks settled this difficult question with their usual decision, and adopted the strong and uncompromising course of action which,

in the face of danger, generally proves to be the

wisest.

Early in the morning of April 27 the National Assembly held a meeting with closed doors under the presidency of Said Pasha. A fetva, drawn up according to ancient usage by the fetva emini, in the form of question and answer, and signed by the Sheikh-ul-Islam, was read to the assembled members. The following is a summary of the fetva: "If an imam of the Moslems tampers with and burns the sacred books; if he appropriates public money; if, after killing, imprisoning and exiling his subjects unjustly, he swears to amend his ways, and then perjures himself; if he causes civil war and bloodshed among his own people; if it is shown that his country will gain peace by his removal; and if it be considered by those who have power that this imam should abdicate or be deposed, is it lawful that one of these alternatives be adopted? The answer is Olur (it is permissible)." Then the Assembly unanimously voted that Abdul Hamid should be deposed. Deputations from the Parliament at once waited on Abdul Hamid and on the legitimate heir to the throne, Abdul Hamid's younger brother, Mohammed Reshad Effendi, to announce to the former his deposition, to the latter his accession to the throne as Mohammed V. Reshad Effendi, followed by a crowd of picturesque, ragged and enthusiastic Macedonian volunteers, then left his residence, the