DECEMBER, 1816.

Compensation Law.

H. OF R.

compensation law, which was supported and point of view, we must take a variety of cirvoted for by a majority of both Houses of Con- cumstances into the calculation, and it may be gress, and signed by the President of the United difficult to say what is the precise sum that should States; a compensation law, which was acknowl- be given. If a married man shall bring his famedged by every member of the Senate and of the ily with him, he will incur an expense greater House to be just, if not politic, by taking the fif- than to come alone. If a member should come teen hundred dollars; for he was informed that alone to the City of Washington, he incurs less every member, one from Virginia excepted, had expense than if compelled to bring one servant, taken the money, which was conclusive evidence or an attendant, with him, to aid him on the road, that they did not consider it public robbery. And and when at the city, to take from him the trouthe honorable gentleman from Virginia did not ble of a thousand calls, which would break in refuse the money because he thought it unjust, upon his time, and render him, in a great measfor he advocated the measure; upon principle sure, useless to his constituents; or by paying the only he could not agree to embrace the present same for extra attention at the boarding houses. Congress. The worth of that member was well Or the amount of expense may depend upon a known to the House; and as to those who had thousand other considerations-whether a memvoted against the measure, and had received the ber shall drink water alone, or whiskey, or brancompensation, he did not suppose that the people dy, or Madeira, or Champaign; or whether a of any district would have complained of any member shall occupy a room alone, or whether such member, who had only taken that which he can find some kindred spirit to occupy a room had been allowed other members by law. In jus- together. But this part of the subject cannot be tice to himself, to the House, and particularly to reduced to anything like mathematical precision, the nation, he conceived it his duty thus to dis- as to the amount of compensation. But this tinguish the real from the fictitious compensation have said, and this I now repeat, that for married laws; for the age of reason had not passed away, or single, with servants or without servants, with and although there may have been a temporary horses or without horses, fifteen hundred dollars, sacrifice of worth and merit, it cannot continue. as a money-making scheme, is a poor business, Mr. J. said, such had been the artificial and un- whether applied to the farmer, the mechanic, the natural excitement against the compensation bill, lawyer, the doctor, or any other other class of the that a particular friend of his called upon his community; such is the necessary expense and debtor to discharge a written obligation under sacrifice in being a member. Nor is it my wish bond and seal; upon presenting the note, the that it should be a money-making business. It debtor demanded to know of his creditor, whether is my wish to receive my compensation from he was in favor of the compensation bill; and, the people whom I represent, and not from any upon being answered in the affirmative, payment other quarter. I despise prodigality, extravagance, was positively refused. This was not all. He and luxury, and equally despise griping avarice; had understood if a constable presented himself and in this, as in all other cases of money, 1 to the justices of the peace for preferment and would be governed by the principles of economy promotion, he was called on to know if he was-fix no unnecessary burden on the people-but in favor of the compensation bill. If the justice they must support their liberties and the Governof the peace wanted to be sheriff, he could think ment of their choice, by a moderate and rational of no better expedient than to denounce the com- system of necessary supplies. But, leaving this pensation bill; and particularly those who offered positive view of the subject, comparatively speakas candidates to represent counties in the Stateing, the compensation to members of Congress is Legislatures, a denunciation of the compensation bill was made a sine qua non. In fact, by these and other means, the poor compensation bill excited more discontent than the alien or sedition laws, the quasi war with France, the internal taxes of 1798, the embargo, the late war with Great Britain, the Treaty of Ghent, or any one measure of the Government, from its existence. Such effects could not naturally result from the measure under consideration, but from the misrepresentation of designing men, and from a misunderstanding of it by the virtuous, the faithful, the honest, yeomanry of the country. Mr. J. said, this reminded him of another story that was told him, of a young gentleman having made known to the father of a beautiful daughter, his wish to visit the house on her account; who demanded of the young man, as a preliminary, whether he was in favor of the compensation bill! This brings me, said Mr. J., to the most natural part of the inquiry-the amount of compensation. If we consider this subject in an abstract or positive

inadequate, and, to equalize, you must either level or reduce the salaries of most of the officers of Government, or you must add to the per diem which has been received by the members heretofore; and I believe the people have not yet instructed the members of Congress to lessen the salaries of officers which have been fixed by the patriots of the country for twenty years and upwards; and the people must love liberty less, and money more, than at present, to take such a step; and when I introduce the salaries of some of the officers of the Government, from memory, by way of comparison, it is not to alarm, or to imply that there should be a diminution or reduction, but to undeceive the people as to this monstrous law, which gives $1,500 to members of Congress.

The President of the United States receives a salary of $25,000 per annum, which amounts to $68 49 per day.

Vice President, $5,000 per annum, which, allowing the sessions to average four months, is $41 10 per day.

Secretary of State, $5,000, which is $13,70 per day.

Secretary of the Treasury, $5,000, which is $13 70 per day.

Secretary of War, $4,500, which is $12 32 per

day.

Secretary of the Navy, $4,500, which is $12 32 per day.

Foreign Ministers, $9,000, which is $24 65 per day, besides an outfit of $9,000.

Chief Justice, $4,000, which, allowing the time occupied in travelling and attendance to be four months, or one hundred and twenty days in each year, is $33 33 per day.

DECEMBER, 1816.

the Government, than the Judiciary or the Executive Departments? But the duties of a judge disqualify him from being a lawyer, and he has no time to superintend his farm, or practice medicine, &c. In this respect the member of Congress must give up his practice at the bar; and in the case of the farmer or the doctor, the judge has greatly the advantage, because the service he performs only separates him from those avocations for short internals. These disqualifications will not apply to State Legislatures, for there the term of service is at a period when the neighbors are healthy, the farmer only attending to his stock, the courts of justice closed, and the term of service so short, and the distance so inconsiderable, that the sacrifice cannot be compared to a six months' siege. I cannot speak as to other

Associate Judges, $3,500, which is, for one hundred and twenty days, $29 16 per day. Postmaster General, $3,000 per annum. Comptroller of the Treasury, $3,500 per an- members, but, as to myself, I am as much engaged

num.

Treasurer, 3,000 per annum.

Auditor of the Treasury, $3,000 per annum. Register of the Treasury, $3,000 per annum. Commissioner of the General Land Office, $3,000 per annum.

Commissioner of Internal Revenue, $3,000 per

annum.

Superintendent General of Military Supplies, $3,000 per annum.

Attorney General, $3,000 per annum. Accountants of the War and Navy Departments, each $2,000 per annum.

And about thirty clerks in the different offices, from $1,500 to $2,500 per annum.

in the public service during the recess as I am at the City of Washington; the only difference is, that I am, a good part of my time, upon my own farm, and not at the expense incurred from it. This measure, which has excited so much discontent, involves feeling and not principle; and, with the advantage taken of it by the designing, the nature of the measure was well calculated to rouse the jealousy of the people, by our increasing our own compensation; but they should recollect that they have given us that power, and no other branch of the Government can take hold of it. The Constitution vests us with that power, and perhaps there is not a man in the United States of America who can suppose, for a moment, that the present compensation I allude tothe six dollars per day-can remain permanent as the laws of the Medes and Persians, while there is a gradual depreciation of money, and a proportionable increase of the cost of diet, of clothing, and all the necessaries of life; and to give a memorable example of the forbearance of Congress to touch this subject, until driven to it by necessity, the compensation has been at six dollars per diem from the origin of the Government, upwards of twenty-six years ago, and in 1796 the sergeantat-arms and the doorkeeper received six dollars The presidents of the courts of common pleas per day, and their compensation was converted $1,600 per annum, which, allowing five months into a gross sum of $1,500 previous to the last for the time occupied, is $10 66 per day, besides session; and I presume we could not be charged travelling expenses; and all the officers in Penn-with corruption or prodigality in this respect; at sylvania, from the constable upwards, have received an increase of compensation, within ten years, of at least fifty per cent.

In Virginia.-Judges of the Court of Appeals, $2,500 per annum, which, allowing four months, or one hundred and twenty days, for the whole time occupied in a year, is $20 83 per day.

Judges of the District Courts, $1,500 per annum, which, for three months, or ninety days, the extent of time occupied, is $16 66 per day.

In Pennsylvania.-The Judges of the Supreme Court receive $2,000 per annum, which, for one hundred and twenty days, the extent of the time occupied in a year, is $16 66 per day, besides travelling expenses.

least we gave it to others, and received no more ourselves than we gave to the servants of the House; and when we did regulate our own pay, But it is said the judges are commissioned, and we only placed ourselves on an equality with the of course it is implied that they are in service the servants of servants; no disrespect meant to our whole year; but, by the same implication or legal faithful sergeant-at-arms and doorkeeper. But I intendment, a member of Congress is in service have always said, that my great object was reform also the whole year. If, in fact, a member of in the proceedings of the House; the sum was not Congress is in session as many days as a judge in important in an individual point of view, although the year, his actual service is as great. In vaca-I have never thought I was undeserving of the tion he is supposed to be employed, as it is his duty, in reading and study. The same remark will apply to a member of Congress, and if he is presumed to be as faithful as a judge, he will read as much, and study as much; and I would ask, if it should be less necessary for the Legislature to be enlightened, that controls every branch of

$1,500, nor do my constituents believe it. But the mode makes us salary officers. Indeed! and what magic is there in the name of salary officers? The only difference between a salary officer and a per diem, is simply in the mode of payment, and not in the amount. It is immaterial whether you give the President his sixty-eight

dollars per day, or whether he draws his $25,000 quarter-yearly. The same may be said of the Military, and the Executive, and the Judicial departments.

H. OF R.

mate with an Englishman who resided in my neighborhood, who informed me that he generally received sixteen pounds sterling for his vote at each election. The motion which I make, therefore, does not arise from any change of sentiment as to mode and amount of compensation. With other considerations, already mentioned, vox populi vox Dei has its controlling influence. Not that this principle implies perfection in the people, but I hold it as a political maxim that the people are the fountain of power and authority; and if they should be ever carried away by a momentary impulse, it does not arise from corruption; and the presumption is, that the people are always right, as they are, as a people, always virtuous in their views; and a Representative who acknowledges this principle, and is willing to carry into effect the will of the people, is entitled to some liberality-to some consideration. But I do not admit that the great body of the people are so deeply affected by this measure; but I believe there is sufficient floating inflammable matter to turn the scale in most instances. In this respect I am for taking away all pretext, and bow to the will of the people, thus partially expressed, under all those unnatural means of excitement to which I have alluded.

The per diem allowance originated from the necessity and convenience of members, who had daily calls upon them; and the salary officer was made such from a convenience in the payment quarter-yearly, or semi-annually. It is impossible to make any other distinction. I believe a gross sum will reform the proceedings of the House; and although the people may change their representatives every Congress, the case will not be altered; they will not, in the aggregate, find men more enlightened, more patriotic, more industrious, or less avaricious; and it is always best to blend self-interest and patriotism together, if it can be done; and the most beneficial results, in my humble opinion, were discovered from its operation at the last session. But I deny that members of Congress are made salary officers at least they do not partake of the advantages of a salary officer. In the Executive, or Judiciary, or Military, or Naval departments, in case of sickness or absence on furlough, no deduction is made from the pay of the officer. If they languish on a bed of sickness, under their own roof, and surrounded by their own friends, the act of God does Vigilance is a virtue in a free people; it was not lessen their claims upon their country for this virtue that preserved us from Parliamentary support; but if a member of Congress should be encroachments in 1776, and conducted us to inplaced in the same situation, he receives no part dependence. Like Argus, the people should be of his fifteen hundred dollars; and, if detained watchful-they should not slumber upon their after the session terminates, he receives no addi- posts. But at the same time we should guard tional compensation. He must perform the ser- against precipitancy and unfounded suspicion, vice to entitle him to the money. The Roman forthese are the opposites of vigilance. It was diadem was put up to the highest bidders and his- these that threatened our cause in times that tried tory gives us the consequences; and if making men's souls; when the Father of his Country, the money or saving money be the object of the peo-immortal WASHINGTON, was distrusted of wantple, there is no district in the United States so ing the capacity of a General or Commander-inpoor, but could furnish some character to serve Chief, in pursuing the Fabian policy, particularly for nothing, and, if required, would give to the his memorable retreat through the Jerseys, that public Treasury the fifteen hundred dollars for a saved his shattered army, and has crowned him seat in Congress: but then we should have a very with so much glory. Unlimited confidence is a different Congress from that which is now so weakness, but unfounded suspicion and distrust much identified with the honor and rights of the of a faithful public servant, is a political, if not a nation. The rich aristocracy of the country, who moral evil. In the United States, a public sercould roll in their carriages, or the profligate, who vant has some rational ground to make some calwould wish to put themselves in the market, culation upon a long series of uniform and undewould generally compose a Congress under such viating conduct, sentiment, and principle; withan organization. We have a memorable, a very out such a hope, honor and virtue, and faithful memorable example before us, of legislators serv-services, would fail to meet their reward, and it ing their constituents for nothing-I mean the members of the British Parliament. And what is the effect? The King and Ministry have a fund to purchase a majority; some cannot be purchased-such as Chatham and Fox-others were not worth purchasing. But for fifty or one hundred years it has been so contrived, that the King and his Ministry have had a majority of Parliament, to support them in all their systems of war and taxes, with the exception of a very few years indeed, when the voice of the people for a moment gained the ascendency. And although the members of Parliament serve for nothing, the votes, in many places, were bought as any other article in the market; for I was inti

would revive the ostracism of Athens. There some apology may be urged, as the very organization of the government often subjected the people to the tyranny of usurpers, and put many men above the laws. It is otherwise in this land of liberty, where the laws and the constitution are supreme, and where a wise, virtuous, and experienced statesman may be of infinite service, so long as he pursues a correct course, and has the confidence of the nation; but where no man can act the tyrant without becoming impotent and contemptible, and where the finger of scorn and infamy point him out as harmless in the private walks of life. In this case, no man has been charged with having changed his politics; the

Mr. DESHA intimated, that when this subject should be fully before the House, there would be more to be said about it; and, as the House had refused yesterday even to consider it, he required the yeas and nays on the question of consideration. A sufficient number not rising to support the call for the yeas and nays, they were not called. The question on consideration was determined in the affirmative, without a division; and the resolution itself was agreed to without a division; and Mr. JOHNSON of Kentucky, Mr. FINDLEY, Mr. WEBSTER, Mr. BASSETT, Mr. PITKIN, Mr.tucky Abolition Society, praying for an allotThe SPEAKER presented a petition of the KenCADY, and Mr. REYNOLDS, were appointed the ment of public lands for free persons of color.

Relief of Officers-Commissioner of Claims.

The following Message was received from the H. on the suggestion of Mr. TAYLOR, (of New PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES:

1. Resolved, That the President of the United States be, and he is hereby, requested to lay before this House the proceedings of the Commissioner appointed under On motion of Mr. TUCKER, the Committee for the act of the last session, entitled "An Act to authorthe District of Columbia were instructed to in-ize the payment for property lost, captured or destroyed, quire into the expediency of prohibiting, by law, while in the military service of the United States, and the establishment of unchartered banking com- for other purposes.' panies, or the circulation of the notes of such companies within the said District.