of Rangoon, to suppress an insurrection of his own subjects, and repel an invasion of the Siamese; both which tasks were accomplished with little difficulty. During his absence he had also the satisfaction to learn that his arms had been successful in Cassay, the inhabitants of which, taking advantage of the unsettled state of affairs, had thrown off the Burman yoke. This people, which had for ages tasted the sweets of independence only at intervals, when the contests of the Burmese and Peguers left the former no leisure to enforce their obedience, were speedily reduced to submission by the force which Alompra had despatched against them; and their chief, the Rajah of Munnipore, sued for peace; which was concluded on terms highly advantageous for the Burmese. On his return to Rangoon, Alompra found his affairs in that quarter also in a very prosperous condition; the Peguers had been repulsed in several attacks on that town, and had at length been compelled to retreat to Syriam, whither he determined to follow them; and boldly advancing with a numerous fleet of war-boats to the mouth of the river, on which both Syriam and Pegu are situated, cut them off at once from all communication with the sea. Affecting rather to be desirous of reducing Syriam by famine, than of taking it by assault, he lulled the garrison into a fatal security; when, suddenly changing his plan of operations, he crossed the ditch in the dead of the night, and made himself master of the fort almost without resistance. Two days after this important event, there arrived in the river one of two French vessels, which had been despatched from Pondicherry with a supply of military stores for the Peguers, and which Alempra contrived to decoy into Rangoon, where it was seized; and the papers found on board clearly proving the purpose for which it was sent, and the treachery of which the French had been guilty towards him, he gave orders for the instant execution of the principal of the factory, and of the captain and officers of the vessel. In the beginning of 1757, as soon as the season would permit, Alompra invested the capital of Pegu, which surrendered, after a seige of two months; the King was taken prisoner, and the city given up to indiscriminate plunder; the whole country speedily followed the example of the capital, and acknowledged the sovereignty of the conqueror. Having thus completely triumphed over his natural enemies, he left the conquered territory in a state of apparent tranquillity, and after some months spent at Monchaboo, which he had raised to be the seat of Government, in regulating the internal police of the kingdom, again took up arms against the Cassayers, who had shown symptoms of returning disaffection. But while preparing to advance upon Munnipore, he received information that the Peguers had revolted, defeated the General whom he had left to keep them in check, and again made themselves masters of Rangoon, Dalla, and Syriam. He immediately directed his course towards the south; but before his arrival, his General had rallied his forces, and regained possession of the lost towns; and the appearance of Alompra in person gave the last blow to this formidable insurrection.

When Syriam fell into the hands of the Conqueror, the English, who had remained in that town, and whose inconsistent and even hostile conduct towards him, gave them reason to dread a fate no less rigorous than that of the French, were treated with the greatest moderation; they merely received an admonition, and were suffered to depart unmolested. Shortly afterwards, the Resident at Negrais succeeded in

obtaining from Alompra the grant of several valuable commercial immunities, and also of the island of Negrais, together with a piece of ground for a factory opposite to the old town of Bassien; in return for which the East India Company were to pay an annual tribute of ordnance and military stores. Our affairs in India had, however, at this period, reached such an alarming crisis, that the assistance even of so small a body as the settlers at Negrais was considered as a matter of importance, and the greater part of them were accordingly withdrawn. The cruel massacre which followed of the few remaining English, together with a considerable number of Natives, who were attached to the factory, is a stain upon the character of this reign, which cannot easily be effaced. It is said, however, and the many proofs of a friendly disposition manifested by Alompra towards the English, warrant the belief, that the most plausible misrepresentations were made use of by interested foreigners who had access to the king, and particularly by two Armenian merchants, who were high in his confidence, to induce him to consent to, or at least to wink at, the diabolical act of revenge which they meditated, and that it was far from his intention to sanction the indiscriminate slaughter which was carried into effect, of the innocent many, with the (supposed) guilty few. Be this as it may, our Indian Government was then in no condition to retaliate, or enforce reparation; a remonstrance was indeed made in the course of the succeeding reign; some trifling explanation of the circumstances was offered; the property of the East India Company carried off from the Island was restored, and the English prisoners, five in number, were set at liberty.

Alompra being now at the head of a considerable army, and having nothing to fear from the Peguers, who, disheartened by the ill success of their late rebellion, no longer dared openly to oppose his authority, determined to chastise the Siamese for the encouragement which they had afforded to his rebellious subjects. Accordingly he invaded their territory, and after making an easy conquest of the important sea-port of Mergui, and the populous town of Tenassuem, he proceeded across the Peninsula with the view of attacking the capital itself. Scarcely had he arrived before the city when he was attacked by a disease, which he foresaw would soon put a period to his existence; he gave orders for an immediate retreat, in hopes of being enabled to reach his capital alive, but the approaches of death we too rapid, and he died within two days' march of Martaban, about the 15th of May 1760, before he had completed the fiftieth year of his age.

The reign of Mamdogee Praw, the eldest son and successor of Alompra, was but of short duration; yet he is said diligently to have improved his time, and benefited his country, as much as circumstances would permit. He had in its commencement to encounter several formidable rebellions, which were not put down without much difficulty, and these left him no leisure to attempt foreign conquest. He died at Chagaing, whither he had removed the seat of government, about the month of March 17C4, leaving behind him one son named Momien, yet an infant. The minority of the legal heir gave his uncle Shembuan, the second son of Alompra, who possessed considerable talent, and much of the genius and enterprising spirit of his father, an opportunity to take the reins of government into his own hands; and such was the influence of his character, that his authority was immediately recog nised by the Burman and Pegu nations. His first expedition was

against Siam, and was justified by the ever-ready plea of the Burman Government, the protection afforded to his rebellious and fugitive subjects: it was also sanctioned by the dying commands of his father. Two considerable armies were embodied for the invasion of that country, which, entering it by different routes, and acting on a well-combined system of co-operation, soon reduced it to complete subjection. The King fled into the hills, and a Siamese Governor was appointed, who took an oath of allegiance to the Burman Government, and engaged to pay an annual tribute. While his Generals were engaged in the conquest of Siam, Shembuan in person marched against the Cassayers, who had once more shaken off the yoke, and returned laden with booty, and accompanied by a numerous train of prisoners. This expedition, however, appears rather to have been a predatory incursion, than an invasion with a view to the permanent subjugation of the country.

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In the beginning of 1767, a new enemy appeared in the field, and from an unexpected quarter. Shembuan received information that an army of Chinese, computed at 50,000 men, was advancing from Yunan, and had already passed the frontiers, with the view of adding the fertile plains of Ava to their already overgrown Empire. He immediately took measures to arrest the progress of this formidable foe; and having appointed two separate armies, the one consisting of 10,000 infantry and 2,000 cavalry, and the other of a much superior force, he directed the latter to make a circuitous march to the southward, and attack the Chinese in the rear, while the former boldly advanced to meet them in front. This skilful disposition was attended with the most complete success; the Chinese, attacked at the same moment in front and rear, made an obstinate resistance; but, after three days hard fighting, they were completely routed; the carnage was dreadful, and the fate of those who survived was scarcely more desirable than that of those who perished. "Burmans, when victorious," says Colonel Symes, are the most unpitying and ferocious monsters on earth. Death, or rigorous slavery, is the certain doom of those they subdue in battle; of the Chinese army not a man returned to his native country; about 2,500 were preserved from the sword, and conducted in fetters to the capital, where an exclusive quarter in the suburbs of the city was assigned for their residence. Those who did not understand any particular handicraft were employed in making gardens, and in the business of husbandry mechanics and artificers were compelled to ply their trades according to the royal pleasure, without any other reward for their labour than a bare subsistence. These people, however, were encouraged, as are all strangers, to marry Burman wives, and consider themselves natives of the country. Compliance with so hospitable and general an invitation," confers, even on slaves taken in war, certain immunities, from which those who refuse the connexion are by law debarred." The latter part of this quotation affords a striking proof, not only of the sagacity of the Burmans, but also of their vast superiority over the nations by which' they are surrounded.

The conquest of Siam was attended by no permanent consequences; though beaten, the Siamese were far from being a subjugated people. The Burman army had no sooner quitted their country than they rose under the command of Pieticksing, a relation of the King, and a man of considerable ability, and easily displaced the new Governor. The

King was no more heard of, and the popular leader found few obstacles to impede his way to the throne. In 1771, a new army was despatched from Ava to bring them again under subjection, but the Burman General, finding his forces inadequate to the task, was compelled to apply for reinforcements. These were hastily levied from among the Peguers, in the contiguous provinces, who had now remained so long in passive subjection, that no doubts were entertained of their fidelity. Scarcely, how ever, had the new recruits reached the Burman camp, when they fell unexpectedly upon their companions, and commenced an indiscriminate slaughter. A very small number of the Burmans escaped the newlyaroused vengeance of their ancient foes, and escaped to Rangoon, whither they were followed by the Peguers, who laid siege to the place. But on the appearance of a Burman army, the rebels found themselves in no condition to oppose it, and the Burman supremacy was reestablished almost without resistance. The Siamese, however, had reason to congratulate themselves on this seasonable diversion, which saved them from the impending storm, and gave them leisure to strengthen themselves against any future attacks. While these events were passing in the South, Shembuan was prosecuting his favourite scheme of conquest in the West. Early in the year 1774, he sent a considerable force against Munnipore, and the Cassay Shaan, which overran and devastated the country: the city of Munnipore submitted, after an obstinate resistance; and the spoils, which were very considerable, together with 2,000 prisoners of both sexes, were forwarded to the "golden feet.” The victorious General, elated with his success, precipitately advanced with a body of 10,000 men into the country of Cachar, but here he was destined to encounter the most unlooked-for and appalling difficulties, and such as he found it impossible to surmount. Surrounded, in the heart of a mountainous country, by an active and enterprising foe, who cut them off from all resources; and attacked, at the same time, by that dreadful disease the hill-fever; famine and pestilence effected what the swords of the mountaineers could never have accomplished, and nearly the whole army perished in the defiles of the mountains. The Burmans, however, were not dispirited by this sad reverse of fortune; a still more considerable army was speedily assembled, which, advancing with more caution than that which had preceded them, penetrated to within two days' journey of Cospore, the capital of the country, when the Rajah, intimidated by the appearance of so formidable a force, consented to the humiliating terms prescribed by the Burman General, and yielded, to the King of Ava, the most abject proofs of vassalage and submission. The dominions of the Rajah of Munnipore were also restored on the same degrading terms, and thus terminated an expedition which cost the Burmese upwards of 20,000 men, without at all contributing to the real and permanent advantage of the state; for they soon found that it was impossible long to retain possession of the countries which they had overrun. The close of Shembuan's reign was stained with an act of wanton cruelty, for which no excuse can be found. The venerable King of Pegu, who had now remained for twenty years a prisoner, was accused of having been concerned in the late rebellion of his former subjects, and, together with many Peguers of rank, doomed to suffer death by the hands of the public executioner, and this ignominious sentence was carried into effect with unmitigated severity. This was one of the

last acts of this able and ambitious monarch; he died in the spring of 1776, after having taken every possible precaution to transmit the succession to his eldest son, Chenguza. This prince was of a character totally different from that of his predecessor: he plunged at once into the most shameless debauchery, and entirely neglecting the affairs of government, gave himself up to the lowest profligacy. The flagitious conduct which he pursued, became at length so intolerable that a conspiracy was entered into for his dethronement, in which Momien, the son of Namdogee Praw, whose succession had been set aside in favour of Shembuan, was tutored to act the principal part. This conspiracy was attended with the most complete success; Chenguza met the fate which was justly due to his crimes, and Momien was declared King. But there was another person in the back ground, who had secretly put in motion the springs of the conspiracy, and who had no intention that another should reap its fruits. This was Minderagee Praw, the younger brother of Shembuan, who now openly declared his views upon the crown, and found little difficulty in removing the unfortunate Momien, who was drowned, by his orders, in the Nawaddy, after having possessed the regal dignity for only eleven days.

The spirit of Alompra seems to have animated all his children; Minderagee, who assumed the reins of government in 1782, was as ambitious and as enterprising as any of his predecessors, after crushing two formidable rebellions, and removing the seat of government from Old Ava to Amarapoora, to which change he was instigated by the Brahminical astrologers, to whom he paid implicit deference, he determined to push his conquests in a quarter which had hitherto been unattempted. The kingdom of Arracan, occupying a great extent of sea coast, extending from Chittagong to Cape Negrais, and separated from Ava by a chain of lofty mountains, held out temptations to the Burmese, which had hitherto been counteracted by the difficulty of obtaining access into a country so well protected by nature. This difficulty was now overcome; three different armies, under the command of three Princes of the Blood, penetrated into Arracan by the defiles of the mountains, while a fourth effected a landing on the coast. A single battle decided the fate of the country; the Rajah was taken prisoner, and sent to Amarapoora, where he died in less than a year, and Arracan was completely subdued in the short space of a few months. But this valuable acquisition was not sufficient to satiate the lust of conquest; the Burmese again turned their attention towards Siam, which was now recovering its former vigour, under the wise administration of its new king; and in the spring of 1786, Minderagee in person invaded the Siamese dominions, at the head of a formidable force. But in this instance he met with a most disastrous reverse, his army being completely routed by the Siamese, and himself narrowly escaping being made prisoner. From this time the contest appears to have been carried on on more equal terms; hostilities continued with various success until the commencement of 1793, when the Siamese made overtures of peace, and a treaty was at length concluded on terms highly favourable to the Burmese, who retained possession of the whole of the coast of Tenasserem, together with the important ports of Tavoy and Mergui.

At the time of the conquest of Arracan, many of the Mughs, or ancient inhabitants of that country, had taken refuge from the conquerors Oriental Herald, Vol. 3.

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