which, before these troubles, had not been approached by a Roman army.

*

Having brought down the narrative of events, so far as they can be ascertained from authentic history, to the memorable epoch when the Roman empire gave laws to the greater part of the civilized world, and changed the form of supreme power in most of the ancient nations whose shores were washed by the Mediterranean, it may be convenient to pause until we shall have given a short sketch of the constitution and commerce of the Barbary States at the remote era to which our attention is now directed.

* Dion Cassius, lib. 59. Seneca, de tranquil. Vitæ. Plin. lib. v. c. 1, 2. Sueton. in vita Calig. sect. 26.

CHAPTER II.

Constitution, Commerce, and Navigation of the Phœnician Colonies on the Coast of Barbary.

Independence of the federated Towns, Utica, Leptis, &c.-Predominance of Carthage-Constancy of her Government-Its Progress described-Originally a Monarchy, but gradually became aristocratical - House of Mago-Rights of the People exercised in public Assemblies-And in the Election of Magistrates-Decided in all Questions in which the Kings and Senate could not agree-Constitution and Power of the Senate-The select Council The Kings or Suffetes-Distinction between the King and a General- Some Resemblance to Roman Consuls and Hebrew Judges-Wise Administration of Justice-No judicial Assemblies of the People-Basis of Power occupied by the SenateTrade and Commerce of Carthage-Inherited from the Phœnicians Her Position favourable-Engrossed the Trade of Africa and Southern Europe-Opposed by the Greeks at Marseilles— Her Intercourse with Sicily, Sardinia, Malta, and the Balearic Isles The Mines of Spain attract her Notice-Carthaginian Dealers penetrate into Gaul-Colonies in the Atlantic-The western Coasts of Spain-Voyages to Britain and the Tin Islands -Poem of Festus Avienus-Trade in Amber-Question whether the Carthaginians ever entered the Baltic-Voyage of Hanno towards the South-Colonies planted on the western Coast of Africa-The Towns built in that Quarter-The Carthaginians discovered Madeira-The Date at which the Expeditions of Hanno and Hamilco took Place-Proof's that Carthage must have attained great Power and Civilisation-Her Libraries -Agriculture-Splendid Villas-Rich Meadows and Gardens Her extensive Land trade across the Desert-Her warlike Propensities-Causes of her Decline and Fall.

Or the trading towns or smaller states which owned a subordination to Carthage, some were colonies which had sprung immediately from herself, and others were settlements founded by their common

parent, the wealthy city of Tyre. Sallust, who had good means of information on this subject, informs his readers, that not only Utica and Leptis, but also Adrumetum, Hippo, and other large towns on the coast, were of Phoenician origin.* These establishments are also understood to have been free and independent from the beginning; every one, with a moderate territory annexed to it, forming a little republic. Hence, the Carthaginians, even when they had attained their greatest degree of power, did not exercise an absolute government over these colonial sovereignties; but rather, on all proper occasions, were ready to acknowledge their constitutional freedom, and likewise their right of entering into separate alliances with foreign nations. This opinion is supported by the remarkable fact, mentioned by Polybius, that, in a commercial treaty between them and the Romans, made in the year 348 before Christ, it is said, 66 upon these conditions shall be peace between Rome and her allies, and between Carthage, Utica, and their allies." Here, it is obvious, Utica is recognised as on a footing of equality with the larger state, and as having the privilege of contracting, in regard to trade, a friendly intercourse with the Roman commonwealth, then fast approaching to her political supremacy.

It cannot be concealed, at the same time, that the greater riches and population of the colony founded by Dido, secured for it a predominating influence over the others, which appear to have

Sallust. Jugurth. c. 19.-" Postea Phoenices, alii multitudinis domi minuendæ gratia, pars imperii cupidine, solicitata plebe et aliis novarum rerum avidis, Hipponem, Hadrumetum, Leptim aliasque urbes in ora maritima condidere."-Polyb. lib. i. c. 1. Heeren, vol. i. p. 43.

conceded, without reluctance, that pre-eminence in public affairs which belonged to the mother-cities of Greece. Aristotle, who was well acquainted with the different constitutions which prevailed in his age, mentions, as a peculiar circumstance in the Carthaginian government, that, down to his own days, it had undergone no very great change, either from the impatience of its citizens or the usurpation of tyrants,—a proof that its principles were at once well balanced and judiciously administered. In common with Athens, Rome, Sparta, and the other celebrated democracies of ancient times, this Phoenician community, as we have just observed, presented the general character of having a single city for its head; and hence, however great the dominions of the metropolis might become, the government must still have remained municipal. It is nevertheless true, that the constitution of Carthage was not constructed upon any particular model, but arose, like the frame of society every where else, out of the circumstances in which she found herself placed. Originating in a monarchy, or rather, perhaps, in that patriarchal rule of which the eastern nations every where exhibit the pattern, it soon passed into a republic, where certain powers were extended to all orders of the state. Without trusting implicitly to the historical authorities usually quoted in support of these views, we might indeed presume, that this people, after the manner of all ancient colonies, adopted the political usages of their ancestors at Tyre, so far as these could be rendered applicable to the condition of things in which their civic authorities were first called to act.*

*Arist. Politic. lib. v. c. 12.

But although the Carthaginians are said to have preferred a commonwealth to the more despotic form which they had brought from Asia, it is generally understood that the actual administration of affairs was lodged in the hands of a few powerful families who constituted the aristocracy of wealth. As the magisterial office conferred honour, and even a certain rank, without any revenue, it must necessarily have been bestowed on persons distinguished by some measure of opulence; whence, we cannot be surprised to learn that, though there was no hereditary claim, riches supplied a qualification which, in most cases, was held equally valid. Aristotle has accordingly remarked, that the governors of the city were chosen on account of their property, their worth, and their popular virtues. In ordinary times, such considerations would doubtless have their full weight; but it is manifest that, in a nation devoted to conquest, another and a more prevailing source of influence would soon be opened up, in the superior military talents of an individual or a family. The Greek and Roman writers, owing to the scanty remains of Carthaginian history which fell into their hands, could not determine with precision the rise of those great names which figure in the more important transactions of the republic, her wars and treaties, and occasionally created so much jealousy in the minds of the people. But the house of Mago, the first conquerors of Sicily, affords a striking instance of the ascendency now alluded to; having, during the lapse of four generations, supplied commanders to their countrymen.*

It is manifest, therefore, that the royal functions Arist. Polit. lib. v. c. 7.