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though some were raw troops; Carthage being a commercial, rich nation, had no militia, but maintained a mercenary army; which army, at the close of the first Punic war, involved Carthage in a most bloody civil war for four years; in which Hamilcar, the father of Hannibal, at the head of the population of the country, totally defeated and destroyed it-a remarkable instance of the effect of union and zeal in a people who, without having been trained to arms, could subdue, conquer, and, indeed, annihilate the most powerful, disciplined, veteran army. And the cause of this war arose from the demands of the army after the termination of the first Punic war, and Carthage was not in a condition to comply with them. No such views have entered into the bosom of the Amerevidence of disaffection. A few individuals have clamored in the newspapers as to the reduction of the army, and particularly as to a failure in Congress to make some provision or donation which might discharge the debt of gratitude and justice. But this was the enjoyment of a right to express our sentiments, and in our country altogether harmless; and even this course was disapproved by a great majority of the army.

ondly, the feelings, the opinions, and wishes of Congress, as far as they could be ascertained; thirdly, the wishes, the feelings, the honorable sentiment of the nation, and the just expectations of the party concerned. It could not be forgotten, that at the last session of Congress a proposition like the present passed the House, after very warm opposition, and was finally rejected in the Senate; we had, therefore, to look at practicable results, which always fall short of what we would desire to do, and it was much to be regretted that it was not in the power of the committee to recommend more effectual measures of relief for the officer and soldier of every description. The capacity and condition of the country were also consulted and kept in mind-the various heavy demands against it, and the great amount of un-ican Army; no corps has ever given the least liquidated claims which must be paid as soon as settled; thus limited in the discharge of gratitude to those who have served us so faithfully, it is to be lamented that we should be divided on the subject. We can easily ascertain the number of dismissed and deranged officers. Mr. JOHNSON said he had the official statement; about one hundred and seventy field and one thousand five hundred regimental officers had been dismissed. And because we could not extend to three hundred thousand men a bounty in land, was it a good argument against a bounty to these? Mr. J. said the people, or in other words, the militia, have never claimed such bounty; they have never expected such bounty; they would object to such a prodigal waste of public lands, which would be thrown into the market in such quantity as to lessen its market value to a cent, and millions of acres would fall into the hands of rich specula-sidered Congress entitled to more credit and merit

tors.

Mr. J. said, he did not, however, approve of such a course; it had a tendency to injure and create prejudice against a regular army, without a corresponding benefit. For he held as a fundamental principle in a free Government, that the reduction of an army should always be made without regard to the number of officers who wished to be retained; and, he said, he was for the reduction to ten thousand men ; and he con

in that act than would be given to them by the present generation. But, after having said this, he considered these principles as operating with double force on the Representatives of the people, to make some reasonable provision for those who have been dismissed the service of their country, and who have fought and bled for us. For, let it be recollected, that no regular army was ever actuated by the same pure motives of love of coun

Capital and fortune might be benefitted by such a course, but not the private soldier; and such serious encroachment upon the national domain would very much lessen the resources of revenue from the sale of public lands; the consequence of which would be additional taxation. The impracticability of the measure prevented a proposition of the kind, and the acquiescence of all in this sentiment is tested by a failure in any mem-try, love of liberty, desire of honest fame, and also ber to propose such amendments as will embrace these cases.

have contributed their just share in fixing upon a rock our independence, against which the wide But, in the discussion of the subject, a compari- billows of the tempestuous ocean may beat in son had been drawn between the militia and the vain. It has been truly said, that the militia did regular army. Comparisons were often odious, not expect bounty in land; of course, none has and distinctions invidious. On this occasion there been offered; but there is a provision, for which was no necessity for either, because the question the militia has called; they have demanded it of of merit was not involved. If so, he would say us, and we have complied with their wishesthat both had performed their duty faithfully, have gratified their expectations we have reporthonorably, gallantly. The battles of Maguago, ed a provision to extend half-pay for five years to of Talapozie, of Chippewa, of Bridgewater, the the widows and children of the rangers, seadefence of Fort Sandusky, the sortie from Fort fencibles, twelve and eighteen months' volunteers, Erie, and New Orleans, all proved thee qual and and the militia of the different States. This procorresponding merit of the militia and regular vision they expected, and this provision has been army; several of which battles were as bloody sanctioned; and at the end of five years, should and as well fought as the great battle of Zama, that provision be considered inadequate, Congress according to numbers, between two among the has the power to extend it. This provision is greatest Generals in the world-Hannibal and not confined to the officers and soldiers who were Scipio Africanus. The Roman legions were in killed in battle, died of wounds, but extended to part veterans; Hannibal had his mercenaries, al- I all who may have died in service in any other

way, and to those who may have died on their way home, after being dismissed the service. Without such a measure as this, the militia would not have been satisfied; with it, they cannot be dissatisfied. This very provision is doing more for the militia than the donation proposed to the dismissed officers; and this question might be left with safety to the people themselves-to the militia-and they would not hesitate to demonstrate their liberality, their honorable feelings. The people are generous, magnanimous, brave, and just. But, look to the extent of this provision in favor of the militia. It looks to every part of the nation, and embraces every part of our extended frontier. It contemplates every battle fought during the war, and it provides for sickness and

disease.

FEBRUARY, 1816.

is generally admitted that, with the most rigid economy, they had to call upon their own funds, or upon paternal kindness, for pecuniary aid; and, as soon as an officer entered the regular army, he had to give up every other prospect-his pursuits, his family connexions. It did not happen to the same extent with those who entered for the term of six months. In reducing our army to 10,000, it was well known that efficient men, both in body and in mind, were generally retained; of course, those who had ruined a constitution by hard service; those who had served ten, fifteen, and twenty years, and advanced in life; the wounded officer wanting an eye, a leg, or an arm, were dismissed; such men have some claims upon their country. The memorable Congress of '83, which closed the Revolution, gave half-pay for life to The State of Ohio may look to Hull's surren- the officers, or five years whole pay. This bill der, the battle of Brownstown, &c.; Kentucky, proposes only a donation in land. Much has been to the Northwestern army, the river Raisin, the said upon the subject of preparing for war in time two sieges of Fort Meigs, Colonel Dudley's de- of peace. In a Republic large standing armies feat, &c.; Virginia, to Hampton, Norfolk, &c.; cannot be maintained, nor other expensive estabMaryland, to Baltimore; New York, Pennsyl-lishments; the means of preparation must be vania, Vermont, to the Niagara, Plattsburg, &c.; cheap, but effectual. If so, the bill under debate Connecticut, to Stonington, &c.; Tennessee, to would be a strong measure of preparation; prepher various splendid victories over the Creeks, at aration which would give moral power, physical New Orleans, &c.; and all other States, without power, and intellectual power. Moral power, by going into detail, according to their sufferings and such illustrious examples of honor, virtue, gratílosses. Is this nothing? Is it nothing to Ken- tude, and justice-physical, by uniting all hearts tucky that you embrace the case of the widow of and all hands in support of a Government inspirColonel John Allen, whose worth was well known ing such confidence-intellectual, by extending -as pure as a sun-beam-and who had left a the means of support and cultivation to the indiname as imperishable as our liberties; the widow gent and distressed. The true maxim in a Reof the unfortunate Major Graves, whose memory public will ever remain-that the militia is the was dear to his country; the widow of the gal- palladium of our rights, the ultimate reliance in lant Hart, of the determined Hickman, and all the storms of adversity. With this maxim there those gallant sons of the West who died in their is another principle no less correct, that the militia country's cause, leaving behind widows or chil- are valuable in the first moments of war, until dren? As much as this is to Kentucky, so is it regular troops can relieve them from garrison a just representation of the case of every other duty, long and distant campaigns; this was the State, as to their losses. universal sentiment of the people during the late war, and such will their sentiments continue to be; it is their interest that it should be so.

The bill does not neglect the militia. Mr. J. said, no man could suppose he felt indifferent to the militia, whatever may be the merit of the militia. In time of war, it is important that the draughts should be as light as is consistent with the national security; and to make the draughts as light as possible, inducements must be held out to increase the regular army. The good of the people requires this imperiously. This also justified that bounty in land and money which was given to the regular soldier, and not to the militia. Of this we heard no complaint; and, although we made no promise to the officers of land bounty, the obligation is not lessened to do it, if we think they deserve it. It will have great influence in a future emergency. Nor is it any argument against it, that we could always get officers for our Army; but this presents an additional argument in its favor, provided patriotism be worth rewarding. Nor is it sufficient to say, that some do not deserve our bounty. It is enough that we know the fact that a great majority of the officers deserve more than we propose to give them by this bill.

As to the pay of the officers during the war, it

Mr. J. said, he had omitted one important consideration, which should have great influence in inducing Congress to extend this land bounty to the deranged and dismissed officers. The Army of the United States was constituted upon principles, and composed of materials, differing from the regular armies of ancient or modern times.

In looking into history we should find that the armies of Alexander, in the invasion of Asia; of Hannibal, in the invasion of Italy; of Cæsar, in the invasion of Gaul and Britain, and of all others, the mercenary troops were devoted to their leaders, and these leaders repaid their devotion by rapine, plunder, and often with the lands of the conquered country. But the troops of the United States were devoted to their country; no chieftain could influence them to turn their arms against it; nor do they expect to be paid for their devotion to their country by plunder-by sacking villages and towns. They receive no such reward; they are actuated by no such inducement; they have no such expectations; they receive no other compensation than that which they receive

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Military Services.

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as ordinary pay by the laws of the United States; and orphan, or make donations to the officer; a nor do they expect anything, except from our tender father never stops to inquire whether he is gratitude and justice. The reasonable expecta- bound by contract to aid and relieve a worthy son; tions of such men ought not to be disappointed; nor does a man of noble feelings inquire whether he it is a pity that more cannot be done for them. is bound by contract to extend the hand of assistThe duties of the Military Committee have ance to a friend in distress. The Government been increasing in number and in importance contracted no legal obligation; it acted wisely in since the attack on the Chesapeake; however ar- not doing it. It was wise to be free to act, as duous and important those duties may have been circumstances would warrant. This is no arguat any time, they were not of more difficulty than ment, however, against the bill. It will reflect those which have devolved upon the committee more honor upon Congress to give where it is at the present session; and such will always be merited, without legal obligation. In the beginthe case at the termination of a war. So va- ning of the war we did not know how the army rious were the expectations of different classes of would act; we have their conduct now before us, individuals; so various the duties resulting from and we approve it. If individual cases should be the claims of those different classes; so difficult selected, as has been done, to depreciate the claims to discharge those great duties which look with of the army, it should be recollected that the discernment to the interests of the Common- same might be done of all associations of men; wealth, and to that portion of it which has claims and it is to be regretted that we should indulge upon us. In this situation, the committee endea- prejudices against men who have generally acted vored to embrace the cases of all who were en- so well, and that jealousy should be excited betitled to consideration, without injury to the Re-tween the army and militia. The praise of the public. In this view of the subject we did not confine ourselves to the late war, but extended aid and comfort to the surviving officers and soldiers of the Revolution, who are unable to gain a livelihood by labor, and those of the late war who are so disabled as to be unable to maintain themselves. The committee reported a bill, for the purpose of organizing a corps of invalids; for the wounded, a pension; for the widows and orphans, half-pay for five years; for the dismissed and deranged officers, a bounty in land. These provisions, if carried into effect, will relieve much distress, alleviate much sorrow, bind up the broken hearted, and administer to them the healing balm of affection. The regular soldier has his money Mr. C. said, I early imbibed a respect for the and land bounty-his widow and children the patriot soldier. He possesses qualities of mind same provision in case of his death. For the offi- which challenge and receive my admiration and cer and soldier of the regular army and militia, esteem. Forsaking the hallowed shades of dowho have lost their vouchers by captivity or un-mestic happiness, he courts the danger, toils, and avoidable accident, a provision is here recommended, giving equitable powers of adjustment to the War Department; and, as measures of precaution and efficiency, we have recommended a general and division staff, that will make our forces efficient in the field; and a Military Academy, to diffuse military instruction throughout the United States.

Mr. J. said, the formation of a national character was of great importance; every nation has a character of some sort-mixed or positive in its kind. A character for all the virtues of liberality, of generosity, of magnanimity, of gratitude, of justice, of wisdom; or it may be positive, of the opposite qualities and attributes-of parsimony, of ingratitude, of injustice, of ignorance; or mixed, combining a part of the virtues that exalt, and part of the virtues that degrade the human character. On the present occasion it would be discovered that the provisions of the bill were neither prodigal, on the one hand, nor parsimonious on the other. In measures of State we should avoid extremes.

In concluding, Mr. J. said, he would not inquire whether we had promised to provide for the widow

army should not be considered as censure of the militia, nor well-earned praise of the militia, as lessening the claims of the army. With these views, the hope is indulged that the bill will pass without material amendment.

Mr. COMSTOCK said, this was a subject upon which much might be said on each side, by gentlemen of learning and eloquence. It is one, said he, on which my mind has labored with considerable anxiety. Possessing only very limited claims, sir, to either of these valuable accomplishments, I must content myself with glancing at some of the reasons which will influence my conduct upon this occasion.

privations, incident to his profession. His best days are devoted to the service of his country. His health, his blood, and his life, are nobly sacrificed upon the altar of the public weal.

This respect, so early imbibed, has strengthened with succeeding years. I feel all its force in contemplating the officers of the late army; I believe, in general, they deserve well of their country; I rejoice that they merit, and receive, the meed of her applause. They have exhibited a degree of fortitude and intelligence not surpassed in any age or nation; and they have essentially contributed, under the auspices of Heaven, to the speedy, honorable, and beneficial issue of the conflict, from which the nation has recently emerged.

Mr. C. said it can scarcely be imagined that I am actuated in the vote I am about to give, by an apprehension that the late war was unjust or unnecessary; for although I have not been in the habit of presenting my views upon this subject in elaborate speeches, nevertheless, the votes I have uniformly given upon questions calculated to promote the military service, abundantly evince my ideas of the justice and propriety of the late

Military Services.

war. While I lamented the imperious necessity sufficient numbers, cannot be found, proud to which demanded its declaration, I conceived it wear your uniform. courting your service, and forced upon us by the injustice and rapacity of ready to rally round the standard of the country the enemy. Hence, sir, I have ever deemed it in the hour of trial. An honorable sense of duty, my duty, as a member of this honorable body, to and an ardent and long cherished attachment to invigorate the national arm, by furnishing to the those eternal principles of civil and religious libGovernment the means of humbling and van-erty, guarantied to us by our excellent political quishing our foes; of vindicating the honor and institutions, will be among the powerful motives interest of the nation, and of placing them upon which will secure forever to the Government a firm and stable foundation. their best services and affection.

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life; of this practice no one can, of right, com- into the lowest depths of despair and despondenplain. We maintain no sinecures in this Repub-cy. From what quarter did the first ray of hope lic. Mr. Chairman, from the best reflection I beam upon you? From the Northwest-Kenhave been able to bestow upon the subject of this tucky's venerable chief, at the head of her volunsection, I am induced to believe it ought not to teer militia, in the capture of the British Army be adopted. If, however, it shall obtain, I hope under Proctor, and the dispersion of the Indians its benefits will be confined to captains and subalt- with the slaughter of their favorite leader, brought erns. Thus, sir, I am constrained, from a sense you relief. Despair and despondency disappeared of duty, to oppose, upon this occasion, the wishes like an unwelcome guest. Confidence and hope of my honorable friend, the chairman of the succeeded. Bonfires and illuminations in all Military Committee, with whom I am generally parts of the United States evidenced the change happy and proud to act in concert. produced by the gallant deeds of your militia. The honorable gentleman at the head of your Military Committee (Mr. JOHNSON) knows well their merits. He has commanded them; he has fought and bled with them. As the commander of a militia corps, he has rendered signal services to his country; and should the occasion require it, will doubtless do so again. It is unnecessary to enumerate instances of the gallant achievements of your militia. The plains of New Orleans will be a lasting monument to their fame, their worth and usefulness.

Mr. TAUL said: Though I am decidedly of opinion that the section of the bill proposed to be stricken out is impolitic, and of course ought not to pass, I confess that I distrust my own judgment, when it is different from that of any of the standing committees of the House. The members composing those committees are selected for their capacity and particular knowledge of the business to be referred to them. Those selections have been judiciously made. The standing committees have a double responsibility on them. Hence it is to be presumed that every measure, before it is reported to the House, undergoes a very nice scrutiny. Those committees have deservedly great weight in the investigation and decision of such questions as may have come before and been decided on by them. In opposing, therefore, any measure recommended by them, you have to encounter "fearful odds" indeed.

In addition to the support given to this measure by the Military Committee, it has also received the support of an honorable, highly respectable, enlightened, and consequently influential member from Maryland, (Mr. SMITH.)

In opposing the proposed donation of lands to the disbanded officers, I wish it to be distinctly understood that I have no idea of detracting from their merits. They stand high in my estimation. They have the richest reward in the nation's treasury-its thanks, its gratitude.

But, sir, is it to the regular army exclusively, or the officers commanding it, that you are indebted for the splendid victories achieved during the late war?-for your present high standing amongst the nations of the earth? Much, very much, Mr. Chairman, was performed by the militia; yes, the militia, that was once considered the bulwark of the nation; but which some gentlemen seem to consider, at this time, worse than nothing. It is not my intention to make any invidious comparisons; I shall not say that this was done by the militia, that by the regular

army.

But, says an honorable gentleman from Massachusetts, (Mr. CONNER.) for whom I have the highest personal respect, General Washington pronounced during the war of the Revolution, that the militia under his command had been prejudicial, instead of serviceable, to the country, General Washington spoke of the heterogeneous, discordant, unorganized, and undisciplined militia of that day. His various communications to Congress during the time he administered the Government, will demonstrate that he considered the militia the nation's best, surest, and, I may say, only defence. His anxiety to have the militia properly organized, armed, and disciplined, is manifested in all his communications to Congress on the subject. The same honorable gentleman (Mr. CONNER) has referred us to the military operations in India, as an evidence of the correctness of the position which he has assumed. In that country he has informed you that an army of fifty or an hundred thousand men has been put to flight by a few thousand British troops. I must be permitted to flatter myself that the American militia are something superior to the Hindoo; if they are not, it is high time we were looking out for some other dependence than the militia. Sir, if your militia are not capable of defending themselves, of fighting their own battles-if they are not fit materials for soldiers, they are not fit for citizens; it is time they were subjects. Gentlemen seem to have misunderstood the ground of opposition to the proposed donation to the disbanded officer. Sir, it is not because your militia officers are not included; I will not say that the militia officer would not accept anything of the kind, which the Government, in the plenitude of its liberality, might bestow; but this much I will say, that he ought not.

But I must be pardoned in directing your attention back to the Fall of 1813. What was the situation of this country then, and the state of the public mind and feelings of the people? Disaster had succeeded disaster in such rapid succession, that this nation was literally clad in mourn ing, was covered with sackcloth and ashes; every face was pale; the highest-minded and most Sir, if suffering is to be rewarded, you should sanguine in this nation was bowed down; noth- begin with the non-commissioned officers and ing but the brilliant achievements of your gallant | privates of the militia. Comparatively speaking, tars on the water prevented you from sinking the situation of the officer during the late war