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to the doctrines of the honorable gentleman; be position. In popular Governments, he said, the cause they are drawn from the same fountain popular passion was for glory, show, sensation, from which I have drawn my own principles. excitement. This it was that made Pericles, who Mr. R. said he was glad to see that the gentleman ought to have been the benefactor of his country, had not raked in the kennels (he would say) of the malefactor of Athens. I too, said Mr. R., democracy, for the principles of which he had like the gentleman, entertain a respect for the formed his political creed.' But, Mr. R. said, ours country from which both of us drew our blood; is not an integral Government, but a Government and, when I speak of the enormities committed of States confederated together. He put it to the by the British forces disgraceful to the country, Committee, to the gentleman himself, whether enormities, the effects of which will never be got the honorable gentleman's principles (which he over, I speak of her troops and her Ministry. I bad demonstrated with an ability bonorable to cannot come to this House I cannot go to the the State he represented, to the House, and to hustings, and pick up a little personal popularity himsell) did not go the destruction of the State at the expense of truth-of that respect which I, governments. It was not, Mr. R. said, from the which every man descended from her loins, must preference of present good to a little self-denial, bear for their great progenitors. We are to have freibat he opposed the system of the gentleman and quent and bloody wars with England !- I believe his political friends. I say, Mr. R. repeated, that it, said Mr. R.- I believe we are to have frequeat these doctrines go to prostrate the State govern- and bloody wars with England, and that we must ments at the feet of the General Government. If take means to guard against the danger. Sir, it the warning voice of Patrick Henry had not ap. was not one of the least objections I had to the late prized me long ago, the events of this day would war-and I hope the gentleman will do me the have taught me that this Constitution does not justice to believe, that I am not disposed to rip up comprise one people, but that there are two distinct old wounds and make them bleed afresh--that it characters in the people of this nation. Mr. R. would lay the foundation of wars in perpetuam, said he had been led heretofore to question whe- between us and that country. The die is cast. ther the fact was so; he now believed it as much The course is given to the ship, and she must as any article of his political creed. When speak- hold it on; it is not for me, for you, sir, for a miling of the value of our form of Government, the lion of men to change it. The destiny is fixed. gentleman might have added to his remarks, Mr. The die is set-a hue is given to public opinion R. said, that whilst in its federative character it on this side the Atlantic, confirmed, indelible; was good, as a consolidated Government it would and a similar sentiment of hostility exists on the be hateful; that there were features in the Con- other side. Mr. R. said, he had in past days altitution of the United States, beautiful in them- ways expressed, because he had always felt asselves when looked at with reference to the fed- tonishment at the prevalence of a spirit of hoserative character of the Constitution, which were tility between two nations who had so few points deformed and monstrous when looked at with of actual collision : but, he said, there was a wide reference to consolidation. The gentleman was difference between the state of things before and too deeply read in Aristotle, too well versed in after a magazine explodes. The explosion had political lore, to deny the fact. Mr. R. said he now taken place; and a state of thiogs existed must be permitted, he trusted in so doing he between this country and England, which puts should noi trespass on the patience of the Com- it in the power of every demagogue who should mittee, to notice some of the prominent positions wriggle himself into the Presidency, or into a of the geatleman.
seal on this floor, to light the torch of war beThe gentleman had set out with observing, tween us and England. He knew it was imposthat the policy of this country ought to corres- sible to avoid it. If means were to be taken to pond with the character of our Government; defend the Chesapeake, to defend New Orleans, that that character was distinguished by justice to defend the whole coast of the United States, and reason, and that, as we are disposed to do by means commensurate with the national abilijustice to all pations with whom we have any ty, Mr. R. said, he would never go whining to relation whatever, we ought to be in a situation his constituents, and tell them that they were to exact it. Granted, said Mr. R. The gen- not able to pay the taxes. They are able to pay tleman also stated, that as moderation and for- taxes, said he. Oo whom do your impost duties bearance had a tendency to degenerate into tame-bear ? Upon whom bears the duty on coarse ness and imbecility, so, too, a domineering spirit woollens, and linens, and blankets, upon salt, and might end in a military despotism, and inferred all the necessities of life? On poor men and on that we were in more danger from an abyss of slaveholders. When the time arrived, however, forbearance, than from any disposition to climb Mr. R. believed he could demonstrate that these the precipices of ambition. There, said Mr. R., taxes were unnecessary, even as regarded the I differ from the honorable gentleman. He must gentleman's own plan of defence. Mr. R. was give me leave to say, that there is in every Gov. for yielding to the States these direct taxes, stamp eroment, the form of wbich is free, a tendency duties, &c., when they are to be laid at all. They to exactly the reverse; a tendency to domina- must be left to the States, or this consequeace tion—to ambition, not of dominion at home, but must follow, and it was because of that conseamong its neighbors. Mr. R. said, he would not quence that he dissented wholly from this system. detain the Committee with illustrations of this the people would say, what! pay to the General
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Government a land tax yearly, stamp taxes, taxes The honorable gentleman would indeed effect a on this, that, and the other, and pay taxes on the great object if he would establish a system of same articles too to the State
governments? Yes, retrenchment and reform in the differeni departwould be answered ;-and, speaking of the State menis. When I speak of them, said Mr. R., I to which he belonged, it migh: be added, that do not allude to the particular men now in powerthey had managed their finances as badly as those I fly at no such igaoble quarry-I allude to the of ihe United States had been managed-they habits of this Government. A man, inferior in had gone on increasing their expenditures with point of ability to none in this country, said to out as good a reason as the gentleman had as me on a late occasion-a man too who rarely signed in regard to the expenses of this Govern- says that which he is not prepared to execute ment. The people will say, remarked Mr. R., and do-bat, let the money supposed to be in as Patrick Henry told you they would sooner or the possession of the different departments of the later say, we cannot serve two masters- we can Government, be actually there, he would take not worship God and Mammon-we cannot have two millions of dollars from the Treasury, a protwo Governmenis grinding us, when one would portion of it from every fund, and would defy the answer, &c. This was the point to which the Heads of the Departments to know, not who argument of the gentleman from South Carolina took the money, but whether any was gone. necessarily led.
This is the present state of accountability, said A standing army, it seemed to be admitted, Mr. R., and if the honorable gentleman from was not what we wanted, but a naval force. of South Carolina, or his political friends, will give what value, for instance, would be even a large us a system of rigorous accountability, and premilitary force, for the defence of the country on vent that system of plunder which has been going the shores of the Chesapeake alone, cut up as it on for some time---as to the plunderers of the was into an hundred (he was going to say a public, Mr. R. said, he met them on the avenue thousand) peninsulas-containing not, as the as familiarly as the lords in England are said to gentleman calculated, one thousand four hun meet the blacklegs at the gaming table-he saw dred miles of seacoast, and that, as he had said, them rising from nothing by the stilts of fat conof the worst for us and the best for an enemy in tracts into sumptuous palaces;-if the gentleman the world, but comprising more seacoast than the from South Carolina would devise a rigorous whole sea-line of the United States. Mr. R. said system of accountability, it would give Mr. R. he had taken the trouble, on a late occasion, to, much better heart to vote with him. But he make a calculation of the length of that coasi could not yield to the gentleman from South for Virginia alone, in the presence of a gentle Carolina his views on the first principles of poman from Massachusetts, who was of opinion litical wisdom, which he had imbibed at bome that that State had a greater seacoast than Vir- at a time when that gentleman had scarcely ever gidia ; it appeared, on examination, that the sea- turged his mind to politics at all-he meant those coast of Virginia considerably more than doubled which respected the sovereignty of the States. that of Massachusetts. He said, therefore, cut If the gentleman took that key in his hand, Mr. ap as the country of the Chesapeake is, with bold R. said, he would uplock his political conduct. and deep rivers, what figure would ten thousand It was his policy, Mr. R. said, to stick to the men make in defending it, the enemy being in States in contests arising between them and the possession of the water? And if we had the com- General Government-to the people in all collimand of the Chesapeake, what should we want sions between them and the Government, and with the mer on shore? If we could beat our between the popular branches and unpopular enemy out of that great sea-for it is a Mediter- branch of the Government-he was wrong, howrapean sea-we do not want the army quoad ever, he said, to call it unpopular; for, unfortuthe Chesapeake.
nately, its popularity was that which gave to it Mr. R. said he' understood the honorable gen- an irresistible weight in this House and in this tleman to say that he would go into a great and nation. immediate increase of our naval means, pot by Sir, said Mr. R., the gentleman has met this building ships out of green timber, but by provi- question manfully: Shall I be pardoned if I say ding everything necessary for a great marine. that the honorable gentleman handled the ques. Will the honorable gentleman from South Caro- tion in a way very different from that in which lipa permit me, said Mr. R., to tell him-I do it it was handled by the gentleman who preceded with the most perfect respect—ihat with what him? There is no more a popular than a royal soever sentiments he may go into this business, road to mathematics. As the gentleman from it becomes in the end nothing better than a great South Carolina has presented the question to the job? He may vote the money as a patriot, if he House, they and the nation cannot have the follows that vote through all the different ramifi- slightest difficulty in deciding whether they will cations of its execution, he will find it in sicecure give up the States or not; whether they will in pockets, or given for rotten timber; he will find fact make this an elective monarchy. The ques. it by the right hand received from ihe Treasury tion is, whether or not we are willing to become by the pavy agent of the Government, and he one great consolidated nation, under one form of will find it paid with the left hand into the pocket law; whether the State governments are to be of the same agent-that virtuous man will not swept away; or whether we have still respect let his left hand know what his right hand doeth. I enough for those old respectable institutions to
H. OF R. segard their integrity and preservation as a part I see in this very feature of the gentleman's sysof our policy? I, for one, said Mr. R., cling to tem the same danger to the State confederacies them, because in clioging to them, I cling to my as I see, sir, in the whole speech of the honorable country; because I love my country as I do my gentleman. immediate connexions; for the love of country Mr. R. then took his seat, and Mr. Ross is nothing more than the love of every man for spoke against the continuation of the tax, when, his wife, child, or friend. I am got for a policy on motion of Mr. TUCKER, the House adjourned. which must end in the destruction, and speedy destruction, too, of the whole of the State gov
THURSDAY, February 1. ernments. The gentleman bad represented this country igail O'Flyng, praying that land warrants may
Mr. BROOKS presented the petition of Abas contending with Great Britain for existence. be issued to her for the services of her husband Could the honorable gentleman, or any other man, Mr. R. asked, believe that we would ever and three sons, as soldiers of the Army; which bave a contest with any nation for existence ? warrants are withheld because her said husband No, said Mr. R., we hold our existence by char
over age,” her son Edmund " under age," ter from the great God who made this world; we of their gallant conduct, were promoted to com
and her sons Patrick and Elijah, in consequence hold it in contempt of Great Britain—I speak of our existence as a people politically free-I do missioned officers, in which capacity one of them not speak of civil freedom-1 am addressing my without issue.-Referred to the Committee of self io one who understands these distinctions.
Claims. We do not hold our right to physical_being or political freedom by any tenure from Europe or and Means, reported a bill to repeal the duties on
Mr. Lowndes, from the Committee of Ways any power of Europe ; yet we hold our tenure of civil liberty by a precarious tie, which must be certain articles manufactured within the United broken; for, from the disposition to follow the States; which was read twice, and committed to phantom of honor, or from another cause, this the Committee of the Whole on the report of the country is fairly embarked in a course of policy
Committee of Ways and Means upon the subject
of revenue. like that which is pursued by other governments
On motion of Mr. INGHAM, the committee apin Europe. Finding weakness coming on him, Mr. R. said, though he had much to say, he would pointed on the 29th of January, to investigate the endeavor to gasp out another sentiment, and be conduct of the General Post Office Department, done. It was ibis:
were granted power to send for persons and The gentleman from South Carolina had papers.
The bill from the Senate “for the relief of pointed to the consequences of a war with Eng; Xaverio Nandi, was read the second time, and land, which grew out of a war with England referred to the Committee of Commerce and Manalone, exposing the coasts of our own country,
ufactures. and even our firesides to destruction, threatening the rain of our whole system of finance, the state copy of the documents printed by a resolve of
The resolution from the Senate " directing a nation of commerce, the banishment of specie, Congress, on the 27th of December, 1813, to be -- and the complete bankruptcy of the country.
Ought not these considerations, Mr. R. asked, io transmitted to each of the Judges of ihe Supreme weigh; and to deeply weigh, on the minds of this Court," was read the second and third time; and House, and oughi they not to have done before
passed. the war with that Power, the issue of which,
THE REVENUE. according to the arguments of gentlemen them The House, in Committee of the Whole, reselves, only went to prove that we have the ca- sumed the consideration of the revenue subject. pacity to defend ourselves, that we could, to use Mr. TUCKER spoke as follows: a term which ought never to have been used on Mr. Chairman, I should be without aa apology this floor, be kicked into a war. The view which for troubling the Committee with my remarks on the hooorable gentleman took of this subject, the report of the Committee of Ways and Means, said Mr. R., was single and complete. He would and in support of the propriety of retaining a part bave roads, he said, but for military purposes; of the direct tax, if it was not afforded by the divihe would encourage manufactures, ioo, not for sion which exists in the State which I have the the reason-and I was very glad io hear it, for honor, in part, to represent, in relation to that imit is a reason which, in my opinion, would not portant subject. Thus circumstanced, however, weigh with any man of sense-oot for the rea- I ask the attention of the Committee while I subson of the petitions of the manufacturers, but mit my views of the state of the nation, and of with a view to their military consequence! The the imperious duty of retaining a vigorous system honorable gentleman will do nothing but with of finance in the present situation of our country. a view to military effect. Are we, sir, to be- I beg the Committee, however, to be assured, that : come a great naval Power, because, forsooth, an I do not intend to cover the ground which has
admiral was never saluted as an emperor? I been already so ably occupied by the gentleman 100, sir, am an advocate for roads and canals; I from South Carolina, (Mr. Calhoun.) I shall · 100 would like to see roads through the country, not veature to touch what he has treated, lest I "which might facilitate the march of armies; but should diminish the force of that impression,
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FEBRUARY, 1816. which his frank, manly, liberal, and comprehen- otic bosom throbbed with an anxiety for the pubsive remarks, have left upon the minds of the lic weal, without resolving in his own heart to use Committee. His able and expanded view of the his efforts, however feeble, to avoid a similar rereal policy of this nation, and the watchful sa 2a- currence. And yet this is precisely, I conceive, city of the gentleman from Virginia, ever on the the matter now in question: Shall we pay the alert in defence of his beloved State rights, have debt now pressing upon the pation; shall we ingiven an interesting character to the debate, well crease the essential power of the country by disworthy of the important matter which it embraces. charging its burded ; shall we garrison our forts, It is, indeed, an important debate; it is, indeed, improve our fortifications, preserve the military an important question on which we are now to art, increase gradually the navy of the Union, pronounce. It is the most interesting crisis which and strengthen our means of defence? Or sball has for a long time engaged the feelings of the we sink again into languor and lethargy; relax representatives of the nation. We are called upon our exertions, become a prey to our love of ease, at this moment, when events of a gloomy and an and indulge our propensity io avoid the laxes neanxious period are fresh in our recollections, to cessary to pay off our debts, by leaving that debt decide whether we shall learn wisdom from ihe as a burden upon our children? Here, then, is lessons of experience; or, closing our eyes upon the important matter of this debate. the past, shall suffer our country to remain with: It bàs always seemed to me, Mr. Chairman, out money, without credit, without arms, without that the real question to be solved in relation to defence, without the means of rendering her rights the policy of this country is, “ How far we can, in respected abroad, or of making her character an time of peace, prepare for war; in time of prosobject of veneration at home. A new era--an perity prepare for adversity, without burdening important epoch has arrived in our national his; improperly the industry of the nation, or represstory. We have just emerged from a season of . ing its energy by sysiems of taxation.” It is, danger and turbulence; we have just been restored indeed, but analogous with the common maxims to the blessings of peace, after the difficulties and of prudence which govern the affairs of life. The embarrassments of a war of three years; and we man who, in the moment of success, in the full are now to decide whether we shall, in time, pre- tide of prosperity and fortune, shall' forget that pare for the bour of adversity, or content ourselves the day of adversity may come upon him, and with permitting the country to remain without shall fail to provide against the storm, is unworthy the means of protection, should a foreign enemy of that gift of foresight which is the great preroonce more venture upon its invasion. On such gative of man. Nor does he deserve a seat in the an occasion it behooves us to act with more than great councils of a nation, who shall permit a usua! calmness, and to divest ourselves of all pride timorous and niggardly policy to frighten him of opinion before we pronounce an ultimate de- from the observance of a great principle of politcision. It has been in vain, indeed, that during ical wisdom, enforced by authority of the wisest the war we have freely sacrificed our fortunes and statesmen in every age. I need mention but one; our ease, and hazarded our lives in the field or in I need only allude to the man whose name bas the camp, if, upon the termination of this arduous been repeatedly introduced into this debate by the contest, we are not willing to perform the more honorable gentleman from Virginia, (Mr. ŘANdifficuli and more important duty of sacrificing Dolph.) I mean General Washington-clarum our pride of opioion upon the altar of our coun- atque venerabile nomen!-a man, whose experitry's good.
ence has transmitted to us the valuable lesson that Looking then to the past, not with a design | I am thus feebly endeavoring to inculcate. to draw from thence subjects of contention and So strikingly, indeed, has the policy of preparirritation, but with the praise worthy view sug- ing, in time of peace, the means of defence for the gested by the gentleman from Pennsylvania (Mr. country in the event of war, been manifested by SERGEANT) some time ago, of deriving lessons the occurrences of the last three years, that I may for the future; and what, let me ask, does it in- venture to pronounce that the great mass of the culcate? The great, the important lesson, which community would unhesitatingly retain the taxes, all mankind must learn, of preparing in the mo. even in their present extent, rather than see our ment of prosperity for the hour of peril. At the country unprotected, all military science disap commencement of the late war, what was our pearing, our forts falling into ruins, and our galstate of preparation ? We were without the means lant navy rotting in our docks. Where is the of defence, without money, without credit. Troops man to be found, that would prefer the continu. were only to be raised at an immense expense; ance of the present debe, the annual payment of money could scarcely be commanded at ruinous its heavy interest
, and transmission of the burden usury. Defeat for a long time attended the arms of the principal to our children, rather than bear of the United States, because we had entered upon for a while a tax, which, as I shall show, cannot the war witbout the necessary preparation. And operate oppressively? We know litle of the though the glories of the latter part of the conflict people of this country, if we imagine such to be have not only obliterated the disgraces of the first iheir temper. Those who have been so liberal campaigns, but will forever emblazon the page of of their lives are not disposed to refuse the aid of faithful
history, yet no man can ever look back their fortunes, and, if necessity required, I have to the state of our affairs last winter, when, amidst no doubt they would pay without a murmur the the embarrassments of our Treasury, every patri- tax as it at present stands. But this we do not
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ask of them; we are willing to reduce it to one for the necessities of the nation. They are wanted half its present amount, and feel assured that our for the purpose of garrisoning and preserving the constituents will be entirely satisfied with such a forts, which it would be uopardonable extravareduction.
gance to suffer to go to ruin, whilst they will alThe report of the Committee of Ways and ways keep alive some knowledge of the military Means, which is under discussion, is founded art, and form the basis of an army in the event of upon that just, liberal, and wise policy, which it another war. is our duty to pursue. It contemplates a revenue But it is contended, that the report of the Comthat will be adequate to the necessities of the mittee is anti-republican, because it recommends pation, and which, at the same time, will not be the retention of a standing army. Is it, then, burdensome to the people. It contemplates a what can with propriety be called a standing revenue that will enable us to discharge the na- Army? If it be, had not even Mr. Jefferson å tional debt in twelve or thirteen years; that will standing army? Did he disband the whole of justify us in retaining the present military force the troops of the United States ? Did he, and for the purpose of garrisoning the forts of the those who acted with bim, consider it anti-reUnited Staies, and permit us gradually to in- publican to keep up as many regular troops as crease our pavy-the glory and boast of the na were necessary to garrison our forts and keepihem tion. I am not ashamed, Mr. Chairman, to speak in a proper state of repair? By no means !--Reof national glory. I love national glory (properly publican as they were, they did not consider a few understood) as much as the honorable gentleman men, scattered over our immense frontier, as enfrom South Carolina. I do not mean that false dangering our liberties—they did not consider it glory, which consists in foreign wars and foreign improper to retain what the necessities of the conquests; that false glory, which triumphs in nation required, and we ask no more. Shall it be the wretchedness of mankind, and waves the said, that our present Army consisted of a greater sword of desolation over prostrate millions; but number ihan Mr. Jefferson retained ? I admitit: I mean the glory of being able to protect our but our territory has greatly increased, our froncountry and our rights from every invader. There tiers have been widely extended, our forts bave is no national glory in suffering our coasts to be become much more numerous; and as our popuravaged, and our capital reduced to ashes, because lation has well nigh doubled, we are in no more we have been backward in providing the means danger from eight thousand men now, than we of their protection. There is no glory in a na were from half ihe number twelve years ago. tion's submitting to every invasion of its rights, It has been remarked by the gentleman from because it wanis the spirit to defend them, or the Virginia, (Mr. RandolPA,) in opposition to the liberality to pay for their desence. This is not na- retaining of the present number of troops, that tional glory-it is national disgrace; and to avoid regular forces are not our implements of war, and such ignominy for the future, I, on the part of my that the militia is the natural defence of our constituents, am content to retain a portion of the country. Whilst I admit, to the fullest extent, public burdens, for the laudable purposes con- the value of the militia; whilst I acknowledge templated by the Committee of Ways and Means that they are the great defence of the nation, and
This report has been very warmly attacked, that to them we must ultimately look for the proand particularly in relation to that part of it which tection of the country, I cannot assent to the idea relaies to the Army Establishment. At one time that regulars are unnecessary. Without entering it is contended that the arıny is too large, at into a view of their comparative merits; without another it is said to be too small; it is at first pro- endeavoring to enhance the one, and depress the nounced not only to be dangerous, but even fatal other, I will venture to say that all experience to public liberty. It is then said to be loo small; establishes the necessity of some regular forces in that it can afford no essential service to the pa. a period of war. From the time of General tion, and chat the real defence of this country is WASHINGTON, whose opinions, in relation to the in the militia. Strange, indeed, that this force, continentals and militia, cannot but be recollected, which is too small to defend the land, should be to the present day, no one has ventured to suggest able to enslave it; that an army, which is pro- the propriety or advantage of attempting to carry nounced (and properly pronouoced) to be inferior on a war with militia alone. The possession of to the whole body of the militia, should be capa- both species of force has always been found peble of overwhelming them. Strange, that a scato cessary, and the use of regular troops during the tered body of about eight thousand 'men should last war was utterly indispensable. So must it be considered dangerous to seven millions of be in every future war; and however valuable people.
militia may be, regulars are necessary for the To any reflecting mind, it must at once appear garrisoning the forts in time of peace, and for the that there can be no daoger to the liberty of the most active and arduous operations during the country from such an establishment; scattered war. If so, prudence requires that we should not over this immense continent, along a frontier in dismiss them altogether, nor reduce the present circumference six thousand miles; the mind must establishment, which scarcely suffices for ibe nebe visionary indeed, which dwells upon their ex- cessary garrisons. istence with serious apprehension. The same But the gentleman from Virginia, (Mr. Ranconsideration of the exteosiveness of our frontier DOLPA,) does not confine his objections to the sufficiently evinces, that they are not too numerous Army, but contends that the general tendency of