Volume XII, No. 1 Published by Labor Publication Society, Inc., 41 Union Square, New York Presenting all the facts about American labor-Believing that the goal of the American ALBERT ARMSTRONG. President Windber Lo- cal, U. M. W. of A. One of the striking Somer- JOHN A. FITCH. Author, "Steel Workers"- -one of the volumes of the Pittsburgh Survey; now with New York School for Social Service. WILLIAM HANNON. Secretary, National Commit- tee for Organizing Iron and Steel Workers. FELIX MORLEY. American newspaperman, who spent a number of years in England. DAVID J. SAPOSS. Director, Labor Bureau, Inc.; TEEL is hard. That applies both to the product itself and the making of it. The intense heat connected with every step in steel-making means hell for the In no other industry is there a more hard-boiled labor policy pursued. The 12-hour day-with its 24-hour double shift twice a month-is a classic of industrial barbarity. Judge Gary himself the nominal head of the Steel Trust has just acknowledged that this 12-hour day is not ethically and socially right. But "economically" it is necessary for the steel industry. In other words, so says to free the steel workers—in 1919-still lives as a great attempt that failed. And not satisfied with crushing its own men, the Steel Trust has reached out to crush all la- bor through the "Open Shop Campaign." It is the driving force back of that anti-union movement. What does 1923 hold forth for the men in the steel mills? Freedom? There are signs that it may come. A labor shortage is threatening in steel. The Trust has been compelled to raise wages "voluntarily." The fine fight of the steel workers in Newport, Kentucky, without help from the outside, also causes the Steel Kings worry. The 12-hour day has been flayed by the engineers and religious bodies. Discontent is undoubtedly wide spread Will the explosion come this year? All labor hopes So. For it means not only the unshackling of the steel T The above is a reproduction of the sketch by Joseph Stella, entitled "At the Base of the HE importance of trade-union organization for the steel workers themselves is clear to all fair minded individuals. The importance of trade-union organization in the steel industry for the sake of the labor movement as a whole is not so well understood. This article aims to bring it into the strong light of day. When the steel-workers organized and struck in 1919, the U. S. Steel Corporation, which controls over half the industry, held to its historic position of refusing to deal with labor organizations. It is, was, and always has been the leading example of anti-unionism pure and simple. It has held to this position no matter what the demands of the workers, the form of union organization, the character and beliefs of the leaders, or any other circumstances that might differ from time to time. I. P. E. U. 624. In 1919 the Steel Corporation attempted to draw a red-herring across its trail by a clever and under-handed publicity campaign which aimed to discredit the strikers because many of them were "foreigners," and to discredit the leaders because some of them had been "reds." This was a shrewd policy not only because it played on post-war prejudices, rampant in the minds of the general public, but also because it might split the workers themselves. It was intended not only to divide the workers in the steel industry but in the trade-union movement throughout the country. How sincere it was may be judged by events which came to light following the end of the strike. Having defeated the "foreigners" and "reds" in the steel industry for the time being, was the Steel Corporation satisfied to allow "Americans" and "conservative" trade-union officials to pur |