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within the jurisdiction of any other State, nor any State be formed by the junction of two or more States, or parts of States, without the consent of the Legislatures of the States concerned, as well as of the Congress.' Now, sir, said Mr. H., if it had been indispensably necessary that Michigan should become a State, and that the State of Indiana should be partitioned and dismembered for her benefit, comity would have said that she should at least have asked the consent of the Legislature of that State; and the constitution of the United States, as well as comity would also have required the same thing. Comity, too, would have deferred something to the fact that the State of Indiana has been peaceably in the Union for about twenty years, and that, too, with boundaries prescribed and assented to by Congress.

[DEC. 22, 1835.

league were not entitled to a seat as a right, but the presiding officer gave them seats as a courtesy. We never applied for seats or took them. The case is diferent here. These Senators have presented their credentials, and are bound to wait here until the admission of the State; and there could be no impropriety in their waiting on the same terms as the Senators from Tennessee. But, while the resolution carefully omits any word which can commit any Senator, while every such word is studiously left out, it may be, from the construction of the language, that the Senators from Michigan may think they cannot use the privilege at all, without surrendering their own grounds, and that they may believe that they cannot attend even as spectators in the gallery. He would leave it to gentlemen if it might not be better to give them Sir, said Mr. H., I undertake to say that Michigan is chairs, and admit them as spectators. If they are allownot a State, neither de facto nor de jure, and that she ed to listen to the debates which relate to the diagram never can be a State with her assumed boundaries. of country to which they belong, they might be able to The President of the United States is bound to see that present their views. He had listened yesterday to the the laws of the Union are faithfully administered, in and speech of the Senator from Ohio, which to him was unover the Territory of Michigan, until the people of that answerable, but these gentlemen from Michigan might Territory shall have the permission of Congress to pass have found something to say in reply to it. They should from a Territorial to a State Government; and no one have seats, to enable them to hear what concerns the can doubt that he will faithfully perform that duty. It diagram of country to which they belong, that if any might, perhaps, be out of place here to say much about erroneous facts or wrong analogies should be presented, the rights, or pretended rights, of Michigan for admis- they may furnish the correction. The Senate had betsion into the Union. He would, however, say that she ter give them chairs, according to the precedent on the is not on an equal footing with any of the three States journals, and not use words such as might preclude them, already formed out of the Northwestern Territory. by making them suppose they cannot accept the courteTheir boundaries were described by the ordinance of sy without the compromise of their rights. 1787, and by it they were made and called States. In it, too, they had a guarantee that they should be admit-preciate the feelings of delicacy so often mentioned in ted into the Union, with a population each of 60,000 free inhabitants. None of these pre-requisites exist in relation to Michigan. Congress has never yet determined to form any State north of the latitude of the southerly extreme of Lake Michigan.

The people of Michigan petitioned Congress two years ago to do this, but it has never been done. There is no case in existence to which the present condition and attitude of Michigan can be assimilated. That of Tennessee was a much stronger case; but he was willing to accord to the citizens in question all that was granted to the Senators from Tennessee. And what was that? He took it from the pamphlet, furnished as he supposed by a citizen of Michigan, for he had searched no further. It was that they should be "admitted as spectators," until the decision of the Senate on the pending bill. It would not enlarge the present privileges of one of the persons claiming to be received as a Senator from Michigan. That privilege he had already under our rules, in virtue of having been a Delegate in the other House; but it would confer this privilege on the other, who had it not. This much he was willing to do, and no more; and to effect this he offered an amendment to the proposition of the Senator from Missouri, or a substitute, whichever it ought to be considered, (for he had not the proposition before him,) proposing to extend the same privileges of the Senate to the honorable JOHN NORVELL, which, by our rules, are extended to the members of the House of Representatives and the Delegates from the Territories.

Resolved, That the same courtesy be extended to the honorable JOHN NORVELL, as a spectator in the Senate chamber, which, by the rules of the Senate, is now extended to the Delegates of Territories and members of the House of Representatives.

Mr. BENTON said we should be careful, lest the language be construed to expel these Senators altogether. He did not intend to charge any such design, nor would he say that such would be the effect. It was a case in which every man must consult his own bosom. When he came here as a Senator from Missouri, he and his col

Mr. HENDRICKS said that he could very well ap

this discussion. The proposition before the Senate was exclusively one of courtesy and delicacy. He admitted, too, the propriety of prudence and caution in forming opinions about the right of Michigan to be received into the Union as a sovereign and independent State. But, in relation to himself and his colleague, a squeamish delicacy would be entirely out of place. For us to doubt or hesitate about our course or duty, with the constitution of Michigan on our tables, claiming as it does a large district of our State, would be wholly unpardonable. He, for one, had no opinion on this subject to form. He had but one course to take, and that was to resist the admission of Michigan as a State of this Union, at every step, until she expunged from her constitution her unfounded claim upon the territory of Indiana.

The Senator from Missouri had spoken of precedents, and had instanced those of Tennessee and Missouri. But the Tennessee case conferred no greater privilege than that already enjoyed by the honorable LUCIUS LYON, one of the gentlemen in question, in virtue of his having been a Delegate in the House of Representatives, and no greater privilege than that proposed by his amendment to be conferred on the other, the honorable JOHN NORVELL. The precedent of Missouri. And is there any similarity between the case of Missouri and that of Michigan? Surely, none. Missouri was a State, known as such to our laws. She had formed her constitution in pursuance of a law of Congress. She was a State de jure, as well as in form and in fact. She presented a constitution unexceptionable. There was no question of boundary; no question about her right of admission as a State. The only question was one involving the power of Congress to attach a condition, after her right to admission had become perfect. Here, in the case of Michigan, the question of State or no State has yet to be settled, as well as the question of boundary, involving, as it does, the integrity of one or more of the States. In relation to other States, where there were no difficult preliminary questions to settle, he believed that no special comity had been shown to the Senators who presented themselves. He referred to the admission of

DEC. 23, 24, 1835.]

Newspapers to Members-Sessions of Congress.

Ohio, Louisiana, Indiana, and other new States, where the journals showed no resolutions of courtesy to the Senators in attendance before they were sworn as members of the body. He well recollected that the Senators from Indiana did not obtain seats until the joint resolution of admission bad passed both Houses, and obtained the appropriate signatures. The precedents which the practice of the Senate in these cases afforded were against the application in the present case.

Mr. BUCHANAN thought more consequence was given to this matter than it deserved. There were some points in this controversy on which, after the fullest examination, he had entirely made up his mind; and one of these was, never, while he had a seat on this floor, to give a vote which would have the effect of disturbing either the territory of Indiana or that of Illinois. Further than this, at present, he would not go. But, hav ing come to this decision, he had as little hesitation to expressing it as the gentleman from Indiana. The State of Michigan now came here and asked admission. It was proper that those who had been sent by her as Senators should be present in this body to hear what was said, and to prosecute the claim in a proper manner. All agree that they shall be admitted in some way, and the only question is, whether chairs shall be assigned to them, or they shall be admitted on the footing of other privileged spectators. It had been said that it would be sufficient to admit Mr. NORVELL. He thought so himself; but, as the precedent went further, he would vote with the Senator from Missouri. But, if he were in the situation of that Senator, and the course would be agreeable to the gentleman from Michigan, he would so modify the motion as to make it agreeable to what seemed to be the wish of the Senate. NORVELL might be admitted, and, when admitted, he would have to sit somewhere.

Mr.

Mr. GOLDSBOROUGH suggested that the motion should be so modified as to admit the gentleman to the privileges of the Senate chamber.

Mr. BENTON suggested that the members of the other House were all privileged to come into the Senate chamber. There were many other privileged persons, and the whole number might be three or four hundred. There were more privileged persons than could get into the chamber, and these gentlemen might be so situated as to be excluded by the press of other persons. If chairs were provided, and a thousand persons were pressing into the chamber, they would be able to go to their chairs.

The question was put on the amendment moved by Mr. HENDRICKS, and dicided in the affirmative: Ayes 22, noes 18.

The resolution, as amended, was then agreed to. After taking up sundry bills, and adopting various resolutions lying on the table,

The Senate spent a short time in executive business, and then

Adjourned.

WEDNESDAY, DECEMBER 23.

NEWSPAPERS TO MEMBERS.

The resolution offered yesterday by Mr. ROBBINS, concerning the usual supply of newspapers to each Senator, was taken up for consideration.

Mr. KING, of Georgia, read the rule which provides "that all resolutions proposing amendments to the constitution, or to which the approbation and signature of the President may be requisite, or which may grant money out of the contingent or any other fund, shall be treated, in all respects, in the introduction and form of proceedings in them, in the Senate, in a similar manner

[SENATE.

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The resolution offered yesterday by Mr. PRENTISS was taken up for consideration.

Mr. PRENTISS modified the resolution by striking out all after the words "circuit court," and inserting the following words: "in all cases where the validity of a right derived from any such patent shall come in question."

The resolution, as modified and agreed to, reads as follows:

Resolved, That the Committee on the Judiciary be instructed to inquire into the expediency of giving to the circuit courts of the United States original jurisdiction, exclusive of the district courts, of the process and proceedings prescribed by law for the repeal of patents for

new and useful inventions and discoveries; and also of allowing an appeal to the Supreme Court, by writ of error or otherwise, from the judgment of any circuit court, in all cases were the validity of a right derived from any such patent shall come in question.

read a second time, and referred to the Committee on The joint resolution introduced by Mr. MoRRIS was the Judiciary.

BALLOT FOR CHAPLAIN.

The Senate, according to order, proceeded to ballot for a chaplain.

There were three ballotings: Mr. Higbee and Mr. Harrison were the principal candidates. On the first ballot each of these gentlemen received 12 votes; on the second ballot Mr. Harrison had 16, and Mr. Higbee 15 votes; and on the third ballot Mr. Higbee received 23 out of 38 votes, and Mr. Harrison 14.

The Rev. Mr. Higbee was therefore elected chaplain of the Senate.

Much other usual business was transacted to-day, in the reception of memorials, resolutions, introduction of bills, and the reference of portions of the President's message to the appropriate committees. The Senate then adjourned.

THURSDAY, DECEMBER 24.

After the reception of sundry memorials,

Mr. ROBBINS, in pursuance of notice given, asked and obtained leave, and introduced a joint resolution providing for supplying the members of the Senate with newspapers, which was read, and ordered to a second reading.

SESSIONS OF CONGRESS.

Mr. HENDRICKS offered the following resolution: Resolved, That the Committee on the Judiciary be instructed to inquire into the expediency of fixing, by law, the time of the commencement and close of every succeeding session of Congress.

The resolution having been read,

Mr. HENDRICKS said it would be recollected that, at the last session of Congress, the Committee on the Judiciary had been instructed, on his motion, to inquire into the expediency of fixing, by law, the times of the commencement and close of every succeeding session of Congress. That this subject, owing to the great mass of business before the session, which was a short one, did not receive the action of the committee or the Senate; and it was his intention, at the present time, again to present it for consideration. He earnestly hoped

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SENATE.]

Sessions of Congress.

[DEC. 24, 1835.

at an earlier day than the 4th of March; because that would infringe upon the constitutional term of the Congress in being when this arrangement should commence; but Congress can say that the commencement of the term shall be on any subsequent day, and that the ses sions shall commence at any time thought to be most

convenient.

that the present session would not pass away without It is obvious, then, that the whole subject is open for legislation upon it. He was induced to look into this legislation. Congress cannot, indeed, say that the Conmatter, from the fact of the great disparity in the length❘gressional term of two years shall hereafter commence of the sessions, which disparity, too, was continually increasing, by the continual increase of the long sessions. The idea of equalizing the sessions, whatever their necessary length might be, seemed to be a reasonable one, and the increasing length of the long session had become a grievance and an evil which ought to be remedied. The third of March, from long usage and custom of this Government, had generally been looked upon as the termination of every Congress. But it was not necessarily so, not being established as such either by the constitution or by law. He stated it as a fact, that, since the first organization under the constitution of the United States, Congress had passed no law on the subject. There was nothing in the statute book about it, and the Senate of the United States had never acted upon it. There was nothing in existence upon this subject but a resolution of the old Congress of the 13th of September, 1788, which was obviously intended as an incipient and temporary regulation; and so the thing has rested ever since.

A glance at the history of this matter, said Mr. H., will be sufficient to show us the propriety of legislating upon it. The convention which formed the constitution of the United States reported that instrument to the Congress of the confederation on the 17th of September, 1787, and on the 28th of the same month Congress resolved that the constitution so reported be transmitted to the States for their ratification. On the 13th of September, 1788, Congress declared that the constitution thus transmitted had been ratified by a sufficient number of the States to give it effect. It was then necessary that measures be taken for the organization of the federal Government under it; and on the same 13th of September, 1788, the Congress of the confederation resolved that the first Wednesday of January next ensuing be the day for appointing electors in the several States which before that day should have ratified the constitution; that the first Wednesday of the ensuing February should be the day appointed for the electors to assemble in their respective States and vote for a President; and that the first Wednesday of March next be the time, and the then seat of Government the place, for commencing the proceedings under the constitution. Now, this first Wednesday of March next, said Mr. H., happened to be the fourth day of March, 1789, and this was the only reason why the fourth day of March, in every second year, has ever since been sanctioned, by usage and custom, as the commencement of the Congressional term; and the reason why the previous day, the third of March, has been considered the close of the

term.

And here he remarked that, in this view of the subject, the delicacy felt by many members in protracting the sessions of the third of March beyond midnight was without any good reason: for, taking it for granted that the Congressional term of two years commenced on the 4th of March, the two years would not expire till the same hour of the day on the 4th in which the first session of 1789 was opened. The truth is, said Mr. H., the constitution says nothing about the 4th of March as the commencement of the term; nor does any law, save the resolution of the old Congress before referred to. The constitution merely says that "the House of Representatives shall be composed of members chosen every second year by the people." And in reference to the meeting of Congress, or the commencement of the sessions, it says that "the Congress shall assemble at least once in every year, and such meeting shall be on the first Monday in December, unless they shall by law appoint a different day."

The power, then, of regulating these matters by law being unquestionable, the propriety and necessity of doing so is scarcely less certain. He had said that the increasing length of the long sessions had become an evil which ought to be remedied. For proof of this, it was only necessary to look back a few years upon our journals for the dates of our adjournments. During the last session, Mr. H. said he had procured to be made out a statement showing the commencement and termination, and the number of days, in each session of Congress held under the constitution. A reference to this statement would show that, in the history of this Government, in times of peace, there had been no session at all equal in length to the long sessions of the last two Congresses; the sessions which terminated in 1832 and 1834. The session of 1812, when war was declared, was a few days longer than that of 1832, but the latter was much longer than any other session during the war. The long session of 1798, during our troubles with France, was the longest session since the adoption of the constitution. That, and the one just mentioned, of 1812, were the only sessions of greater length than that of 1832; and these and one other, that of 1790, are the only sessions as long as that of 1834. The long sessions since the last war had all terminated in April and May, save the last two.

There is, Mr. President, much evil in this tendency to perpetual Parliaments. We all know that they are not needed on account of legislative business; for the statute book, the journals, and our documents, show that during a short session as much useful business is generally done as in a long one. High party times, such as we have had for years past, and such as existed in 1798, give occasion for long sessions. Such times have a tendency to protract the sessions that are not limited by law; but, whether for good or for evil, is very questionable. Such times and such sessions are not well calculated to throw oil upon the troubled waters; and party broils and national discords are generally heightened, and often engendered, by lengthy and excited discussions here. A law, then, that would fix the termination of every regular session, giving time enough for all useful discussion and legislative deliberation, is, as I believe, greatly to be desired. The necessary business would then all be done, and probably with much more certainty and accuracy than as the matter now stands. The day of adjournment being fixed, business would be shaped in reference to that day, and much less time would be uselessly disposed of.

He would not, however, further pursue these remarks, but would content himself, for the present, with offering a resolution on the subject, and with moving that the statement referred to be printed.

Mr. WEBSTER rose to state that he concurred in what had fallen from the Senator from Indiana. That gentleman had stated with entire correctness the manner in which every term of the members of the old Congress commenced on the 4th of March, and terminated on the 3d of March, of every second year therefrom. It did not appear on the record of the votes and proceed ings of the old Congress that that body adjourned as a matter of necessity, on the 3d or 4th of March. All that appeared was, that Congress, as soon as the con

DEC. 28, 1835.]

Alexandria Memorial--Sufferers by Fire in New York.

stitution was ratified by nine States, as it was their duty to do, put the new Government in operation; and that they were called together, in the city of New York, on the first Wednesday in March, 1789. The first Wednesday happened to be on the 4th of March, and as that day had been fixed, the 4th of March came to be considered as the commencement and end of the term of service of Senators and Representatives, for six and two years, respectively, and not the first Wednesday in March, which would be a variable period. He concurred in the general observations which had fallen from the gentleman from Indiana, but he thought it doubtful whether we could change the day of the commencement of the term of the session, because, since the practice has grown into a law, some of the States have recognised the Congressional term as beginning and terminating on that day, and this cannot be altered. This he suggested without examination of the subject.

But if it was found to be inconvenient in this respect, the chief object of the Senator might still be accomplished. It would be convenient to meet on the first Monday in November, and to give to every alternate session an addition of a month or six weeks. To such a difference in the length of the sessions there could be no objection, because the first session of every Congress is the long one, and, by the rules of the House, in certain stages, the business was continued from session to session, therefore less time was required at the second session. If a law were to be passed fixing both sessions to commence on the first Monday in November, and the second to terminate on the 3d of March, while the first session may be allowed to continue longer, he thought much good might result from the change. He was of the opinion that the present system was an evil, and it would be a great convenience if gentlemen could be able to ascertain precisely the time when their duties here would terminate. With this general concurrence of the views of the Senator from Indiana, he hoped the resolution would be adopted.

Mr. CLAYTON said that there were other reasons than the lateness of the period at which this subject was referred to the Committee on the Judiciary at the last session, for their delay in then recommending to the Senate any alteration in the periods of commencing and terminating the sessions of Congress. It was not understood that a provision for commencing each session on the first of November, as suggested by the gentleman from Massachusetts, would not clash with provisions in some of the States fixing the time of electing Representatives, or render it necessary for those States to alter their constitutions. In some States the election of Representatives in November is provided for by their constitutions. [Mr. WEBSTER said he knew of one--Mississippi.] Mr. C. said there was at least one other, the State he in part represented, although there the election occurred a year before the commencement of each new Congress. How far these constitutional provisions in other cases may form impediments to legislative action on this subject, the committee had not determined, and indeed it would require much consideration of the State laws and constitutions, which have been often changed or modified, to decide upon an unexceptionable measure to equalize the sessions. He was favorable to the object of the resolution, but the committee would not act without full information of the consequences of any measure which might be proposed to attain the end desired; and he desired, in the event of the adoption of the resolution, that a Senator from each State should inform them of the operation of any plan suggested upon his own section of country.

This resolution, which was considered and agreed to, and the statement accompanying it, were ordered to be printed.

[SENATE.

Mr. PRESTON, from the Committee on the Judiciary, reported the bill concerning cases of appeals in suits arising out of the revenue laws, with an amendment. The Senate proceeded to the consideration of execu tive business; and, after a short time spent therein, Adjourned till Monday.

MONDAY, DECEMBER 28.
ALEXANDRIA MEMORIAL.

Among other memorials presented to day,

Mr. BENTON presented the petition of sundry citizens of Alexandria, District of Columbia, numerously signed, on the subject of the financial condition of that town. The petitioners state, said Mr. B., that the corporate authorities of Alexandria had, to say the least of it, greatly mismanaged the affairs of the town, and that the town had been involved in difficulties and debts beyond its ability to pay; a state of things bearing hard on the middling and industrious classes. The petitioners prayed to be relieved from their Holland debt, and for such other relief in their embarrassments as Congress, in its wisdom, might see fit to grant. Mr. B. presumed that this petition had been put into his hands in consequence of some remarks he made a few days ago on the subject of the District banks, a kindred subject, referring to the embarrassed financial condition of this ten miles square, created, as he believed, by great mismanagement. It was not for him to say any thing in aggravation of the case set out by the petitioners. They were, some of them, no doubt, known to some of the members of the Committee on the District, who would inquire into all the circumstances referred to in the memorial. He would move to refer the petition to the Committee on the District of Columbia; which motion was agreed to.

SUFFERERS BY FIRE IN NEW YORK.

Mr. WRIGHT said he was charged with the presentation of a memorial on behalf of the citizens of the city of New York, and more especially in behalf of that portion of those citizens who were sufferers by the late conflagration in that city. Consequent upon that unexampled calamity, a public meeting of the citizens of the city was called, and a committee of one hundred and twenty-five persons, distinguished for their standing, was appointed to prepare a memorial to Congress for such relief as it might be supposed Congress could afford. The memorial he held had proceeded from that committee, and was signed by its chairman.

Mr. W. said the memorial was too long to authorize him to ask for its reading at the Secretary's table, and he would therefore state, in the condensed language of the memorial itself, the relief prayed for, which was as follows:

1. "A remission or refunding of duties on goods in original packages, which have been destroyed by the late conflagration.

2. "An extension of credit on all the existing bonds for duties payable in this city, and falling due after the 16th of this month.

3. "A general temporary extension of the time of payment of cash and other duties on goods imported into the United States subsequent to the 16th of this

month.

4. "An investment of a portion of the unappropriated surplus revenue of the United States, in such periods and such manner as will afford relief to the city of New York."

These, Mr. W. said, were the specific modes of relief prayed for in the memorial. It was not his purpose to consider them at this time; but he felt it to be a duty he owed to his colleague and himself, upon the presentation of this memorial, to trouble the Senate with a sin

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gle remark. This signal calamity upon a very numerous and most important portion of their immediate constituents had not been unnoticed by them, or failed to excite their most lively anxieties; but upon full deliberation they had believed that they, as the immediate representatives of the State in this body, should best discharge their duties here, and best consult the interests of those who had suffered, to wait any action, so far as action of Congress might be expected, until the specific wishes of those immediately concerned, and therefore most competent to specify their wants, should be made known. That had now been done in the memorial he held in his hand, and he most cheerfully communicated those wishes to the Senate. For the single reason assigned, and for no other, his colleague and himself, up to this time, had remained silent upon this important subject, and had not made any proposition, or in any shape brought the matter to the notice of the Senate.

Mr. W. then moved that the memorial, without a reading, be referred to the Committee on Finance, and that the same be printed.

Mr. WEBSTER said he hoped the memorial would be printed with all possible despatch, that the members of the Senate might have an opportunity to read it. It appeared to be a long and reasoned paper, stating the grounds, both of right and expediency, on which relief, in the specified modes, was asked.

These modes were different, and all entitled to much consideration. For the present, he should express an opinion only on one of them, and that was the last. In that, the memorialists asked, substantially, for such an investment of the surplus revenue, or proper portions of it, as would be advantageous to the commercial community of New York. I have regarded this (said Mr. W.) as the most ready, plain, and effectual mode of present relief. It is known that the amount of revenue now on hand, and for which there is no immediate call, is great. It is understood that some millions lie in a single deposite bank in the city of New York, locked up from all public use. The emergency of the case calls for such a disposition of these funds, as that, to a just and proper extent, they may be the basis of a discount, to meet the new created wants of the merchants. Immediate means are wanted, some provision to meet existing obligations, till time shall be allowed for other arrangements, and other dispositions of business. In short, it is a great object to make the money market easy, if possible, during the excitement and the distress occasioned by this great disaster. The Government can readily do much towards producing this effect, without the slightest public inconvenience.

I have heard that the deposite banks cannot discount to the amount of their means, on account of the limitations of their respective charters.

If this be so, I know not why the Secretary of the Treasury might not, without any act of Congress, select other banks, and distribute the fund among them, so that the community might enjoy the fullest benefit to be derived from that source. If two or three banks may be selected, four or five might also, with the same propriety. I am persuaded it is the duty of Congress to act in this matter promptly and efficiently. The Committee on Finance will consider this memorial immediately, and be prepared to recommend to the Senate such measures as may occur to them as being necessary and proper; but I hope it is likely the Senate may only be called on to follow the lead of the other House. The memorial was referred to the Committee on Finance.

Several bills and resolutions were now successively taken up and appropriately disposed of, without debate; among which

The joint resolution for supplying the members of the

[DEC. 29, 1835.

Senate with newspapers, was read a second time, and
ordered to be engrossed for a third reading.
After spending some time in executive business,
The Senate adjourned.

TUESDAY, DECEMBER 29.

DISTRIBUTIVE LAND BILL.

After the usual preliminary business of the morning had been gone through with,

Mr. CLAY rose and addressed the Chair. Although (said he) I find myself borne down by the severest affliction with which Providence has ever been pleased to visit me, I have thought that my private griefs ought not longer to prevent me from attempting, ill as I feel qualified, to discharge my public duties. And I now rise, in pursuance of the notice which has been given, to ask leave to introduce a bill to appropriate, for a limited time, the proceeds of the sales of the public lands of the United States, and for granting land to certain States.

In

I feel it incumbent on me to make a brief explanation of the higbly important measure which I have now the honor to propose. The bill, which I desire to introduce, provides for the distribution of the proceeds of the public lands in the years 1833, 34, 35, '36, and '37, among the twenty-four States of the Union, and conforms substantially to that which passed in 1833. It is, therefore, of a temporary character; but, if it shall be found to have salutary operation, it will be in the power of a future Congress to give it an indefinite continuance; and, if otherwise, it will expire by its own terms. the event of war unfortunately breaking out with any foreign Power, the bill is to cease, and the fund which it distributes is to be applied to the prosecution of the war. The bill directs that ten per cent. of the nett proceeds of the public lands, sold within the limits of the seven new States, shall be first set apart for them, in addition to the five per cent. reserved by their several compacts with the United States; and that the residue of the proceeds, whether from sales made in the States or Territories, shall be divided among the twenty-four States in proportion to their respective federal popula tion. In this respect the bill conforms to that which was introduced in 1832. For one, I should have been willing to have allowed the new States twelve and a half instead of ten per cent.; but, as that was objected to by the President in his veto message, and has been opposed in other quarters, I thought it best to restrict the alThe bill also conlowance to the more moderate sum. tains large and liberal grants of land to several of the new States, to place them on an equality with others to which the bounty of Congress has been heretofore extended, and provides that, when other new States shall be admitted into the Union, they shall receive their share of the common fund.

This

The nett amount of the sales of the public lands in the year 1833 was the sum of $3,967,682 55, in the year 1834 was $4,857,600 69, and in the year 1835, according to actual receipts in the first three quarters, and an estimate of the fourth, is $12,222,121 15; making an aggregate for the three years of $21,047,404 39. aggregate is what the bill proposes to distribute and pay to the twenty-four States on the 1st day of May, 1836, The differ upon the principles which I have stated. ence between the estimate made by the Secretary of the Treasury and that which I have offered of the product of the last quarter of this year, arises from my having taken, as the probable sum, one third of the total amount of the first three quarters, and he some other conjectu ral sum. Deducting from the $21,047,404 39 the fifteen per cent. to which the seven new States, according to the bill, will be first entitled, amounting to $2,612,350 18,

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