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SENATE.]

National Defence.

[Jan. 14, 1836.

means.

taken to speak in his behalf. No man got up to say, a question that cannot be settled by any precise rule. ". The President desires this; he thinks it necessary, ex But “specific appropriation," that is to say, the desigpedient, and proper.” But, sir, if any gentleman had nation of every object for which money is voted, as far risen to say this, it would not have answered the requi. as such designation is practicable, has been thought to sition of the constitution. Not at all. It is not a hint, be a most important republican principle. In times an intimation, the suggestion of a friend, by which the past, popular parties have claimed great merit from executive duty in this respect is to be fulfilled. By no professing to carry this doctrine much farther, and to

The President is to make a recommendation, adhere to it much more strictly, than their adversaries. a public recommendation, an official recommendation, a Mr. Jefferson, especially, was a great advocate for it, responsible recommendation; not to one House, but to and held it to be indispensable to a safe and economical both Houses; it is to be a recommendation to Congress. administration and disbursement of the public revenues. If, on receiving such recommendation, Congress fail to But what have the friends and admirers of Mr. Jeffer. pay it proper respect, the fault is theirs. If, deeming son to say to this appropriation. Where do they find, the measure necessary and expedient, the President fail in this proposed grant of three millions, designation of to recommend it, the fault is his; clearly, distinctly, and object, and particular and specific application of money? exclusively his. This, sir, is the constitution of the Have they forgotten, all forgotten, and wholly abandonUnited States, or else I do not understand the constitu- ed, even all pretence for specific appropriation! If not, tion of the United States. Does not every man see how how could they sanction such a vote as this? Let me perfectly unconstitutional it is that the President should recall its terms. They are, that “the sum of three communicate his opinions or wishes to Congress on such millions of dollars be, and the same hereby is, apprograve and important subjects, otherwise than by a priated, out of any money in the treasury not other. direct and responsible recommendation; a public and wise appropriatel, to be expended, in whole or in open recommendation, equally addressed and equally part, under the direction of the President of the United known to all whose duty calls upon them to act on the states, for the military and naval service, including subject? What would be the state of things if he might fortifications and ordnance, and to increase the navy: communicate his wishes or opinions privately to mem- provided such expenditure shall be rendered necessary bers of one House, and make no such communication to for the defence of the country prior to the next members of the other? Would not the two Houses be meeting of Congress." necessarily put in immediate collision? Would they In the first place it is to be observed, that whether stand on equal footing? Would they have equal infor- the money shall be used at all or not, is made to depend mation? What could ensue from such a manner of con on the discretion of the President. This is sufficiently ducting the public business but quarrel, confusion, and liberal. It carries confidence far enough. But, if conflict? A member rises in the House of Representa- there had been no other objections, if the objects of tives, and moves a very large appropriation of money the appropriation had been sufficiently described, so for military purposes. If he says he does it upon exec that the President, if he expended the money at all, utive recommendation, where is his voucher? The must have expended it for purposes authorized by the President is not like the British King, whose ministers Legislature, and nothing had been left to bis discretion and secretaries are in the House of Commons, and who but the question, whether an emergency had arisen in are authorized, in certain cases, to express the opinions which the authority ought to be exercised, I might not and wishes of their sovereign. We have no King's have felt bound to reject the vote. There are some servants; at least we have none known to the constitu. precedents which might favor such a contingent provition. Congress can know the opinions of the President sion, though the practice is dangerous, and ought not to only as he officially communicates them. li would be a be followed except in cases of clear necessity. curious inquiry in either House, when a large appropri. But the insurmountable objection to the proposed ation is moved, if it were necessary to ask whether the grant was, that it specified no objects. It was as genemover represented the President, spoke his sentiments, ral as language could make it. It embraced every exor, in other words, whether what he proposed were penditure that could be called either military or naval. “in accordance with the views of the Executive?" Flow It was to include “ fortifications, ordnance, and increase could that be judged of? By the party he belongs to of the navy;" but it was not confined to these. It Parly is not quite unique enough for that. By the airs embraced the whole general subject of military service. he gives himself? Many might assume airs, if thereby | Under the authority of such a law, the President might they could give themselves such importance as to be repair ships, build ships, buy ships, enlist seamen, and do esteemed authentic expositors of the executive will. Or | any thing and every thing else touching the naval service, is this will to be circulated in whispers? made known to without restraint or control. meetings of party men? intimated through the press? or He might repair such fortifications as he saw fit, and communicated in any other form, which still leaves the neglect the rest; arm such as he saw fit, and neglect the Executive completely irresponsible! So that while ex. arming of others; or build new fortifications wherever ecutive purposes or wishes pervade the ranks of party he chose. And yet these unlimited powers over the friends, influence their conduct, and unite their efforts, fortifications and the navy constitute, by no means, the the open, direct, and constitutional responsibility is most dangerous part of the proposed authority; bewholly avoided. Sir, this is not the constitution of the cause, under that authority, his power to raise and United States, nor can it be consistent with any constitu. employ land forces was equally absolute and uncontion which professes to maintain separate departments in trolled. He might levy troops, imbody a new army, the Government.

call out the militia in numbers to suit his own discretion, Here, then, sir, is abundant ground, in my judgment, and employ them as he saw fit. for the vote of the Senate, and here I might rest it. Now, sir, does our legislation, under our constitution, But there is also another ground. The constitution de furnish any precedent for all this? clares that no money shall be drawn from the treasury We make appropriations for the army, and we under. but in consequence of appropriations made by law. stand what we are doing, because it is " the army," that What is meant by "appropriations!Does this lan is to say, the army established by law. We make apguage not mean that particuler sums shall be assigned, propriations for the navy; they, too, are for “the navy," by law, to particular objects? How far this pointing as provided for and established by law. We make apout and fixing the particular objects sball be carried, is propriations for fortifications, but we say what fortifica

Jax. 14, 1856.]

National Defence.

(SENATE.

tions, and we assign to each its intended amount of the a military dictator, what formula had been better suited whole sum. This is the usual course of Congress on to their purpose than this vote of the House? It is such subjects; and why should it be departed from? true we might have given more money if we had had Are we ready to say that the power of fixing the places | it to give. We might have emptied the treasury; but for new fortifications, and the sum allotted to each; the as to the form of the gift we could not have bettered it. power of ordering new ships to be built, and fixing Rome has no better models. When we give our the number of such new ships; the power of laying out money for any military purpose whatever, what remoney to raise men for the army; in short, every mains to be done? If we leave it with one man to depower, great and small, respecting the military and cide not only whether the military means of the country naval service, shall be vested in the President, without shall be used at all, but how they shall be used, and to specification of object or parpose, to the entire exclu what extent they shall be employed, what remains sion of the exercise of all judgment on the part of Con either for Congress or the people but to sit still and gress? For one, I am not prepared. The honorable see how this dictatorial power will be exercised? On member from Ohio, near me, has said that if the enemy the 3d of March, sir, I had not forgotten-it was imhad been on our shores he would not have agreed to possible that I should have forgotten—the recommendathis vote. And I say, if the proposition were now be tion in the message at the opening of that session, that fore us, and the guns of the enemy were battering power should be vested in the President to issue letters against the walls of the Capitol, I would not agree to it. of marque and reprisal against France, at his discretion,

The people of this country have an interest, a prop- in the recess of Congress. Happily this power was not erty, an inheritance, in this instrument, against the granted. But suppose it had been, what would then value of which forty capitols do not weigh the twenti. have been the true condition of this Government? eth part of one poor scruple. There can never be any Why, sir, this condition is very shortly described. The necessity for such proceedings but a feigned and false whole war power would have been in the hands of the necessity, a mere idle and hollow pretence of necessity; President; for no man can doubt a moment that repri. least of all can it be said that any such necessity actu sals would bring on immediate war; and the treasury, to ally existed on the 3d of March. There was no enemy the amount of this vote, in addition to all ordinary apon our shores; there were no guns pointed against the propriations, would have been at his absolute disposal Capitol; we were in no war, nor was there a reasonable also. And all this in time of peace. I beseech sober probability that we should bave war, unless we made it men, sir, of all parties, I beseech all true lovers of ourselves.

constitutional liberty, to contemplate this state of things, But whatever was the state of our foreign relations, and tell me whether such be a true republican adminisis it not preposterous to say that it was necessary for tration of this Government. Whether particular conCongress lo adopt this measure, and yet not necessary for sequences had ensued or not, is such an accumulation the President to recommend it? Why should we thus of power in the hands of the Executive according to run in advance of all our own duties, and leave the the spirit of our system? Is it either wise or safe? Has President completely shielded from his own just respon it any warrant in the practice of former times? Or are sibility? Why should there be nothing but grant, and gentlemen ready to establish the practice as an exam. trust, and confidence, on our side, and nothing but dis ple for the benefit of those who are to come after us? cretion and power on his?

But, sir, if the power to make reprisals, and this Sir, if there be any philosophy in history, if buman money from the treasury, had both been granted, is blood still runs in human veins, if man still conforms to there not great reason to believe that we should have the identity of bis nature, the institutions which secure been now up to our ears in a hot war? I think there is constitutional liberty can never stand long against this great reason to believe this. It will be said, I know, excessive personal confidence, against this devotion to that if we had armed the President with this power of men, in utter disregard both of principle and of expe war, and supplied him with this grant of money, rience, which seems to me to be strongly characteristic France would have taken this for such a proof of spirit of our times. This vote came to us, sir, from the pop on our part that she would have paid the indemnity ular branch of the Legislature; and that such a vote without further delay. This is the old story, and the sbould come from such a branch of the Legislature old plea. Every one who desires more power than the was among the circumstances which excited in me the constitution or the laws give him, always says, that if he greatest surprise and the deepest concern. Certainly, sir, had more power, he could do more good. Power is certainly, I was not, on that account, the more inclined always claimed for the good of the people; and dictato concur. It was no argument with me that others tors are always made, when made at all, for the good of seemed to be rushing, with such heedless, headlong the people. For my part, sir, I was content, and am trust, such impetuosity of confidence, into the arms of content, to show to France that we are prepared to executive power.

I held back the stronger,' and maintain our just rights against her, by the exertion of would hold back the longer, for that very reason. I our power, when need be, according to the forms of see, or think I see, it is either a true vision of the fu. our own constitution; that, if we make war, we will ture, revealed by the history of the past, or, if it be an make it constitutionally; and if we vote money, we will illusion, it is an illusion which appears to me in all the appropriate it constitutionally; and that we will trust all brightness and sunlight of broad noor, that it is in this our interests, both in peace and in war, to what the incareer of personal confidence, along this beaten track telligence and strength of the country may do for them, of man-worship, marked, every furlong, by the frag- without breaking down or endangering the fabric of mnents of other free Governments, that our own system free institutions. is making progress towards its end. A personal popu. Mr. President, it is the misfortune of the Senate to larity, bonorably earned, at first, by military achieve have differed with the President on many great quesments, and sustained now by party, by patronage, and tions during the last four or five years. I bare regretby an enthusiasm which looks for no ill, because it ted this state of things deeply, both on personal and on means no ill itself, seems to render men willing to public account; but it has been unavoidable. It is no gratify power, long before its demands are made, and pleasant employment, it is no holiday business, to mainto surfeit executive discretion, even in anticipation of its tain opposition against power and against majorities, own appetite. Sir, if, on the 3d of March last, it had and to contend for stern and sturdy principle, against been the purpose of both Houses of Congress to create personal popularity, against a rushing and overwhelm

VOL. XII.-11

SENATE.]

United States and France.

[Jan. 18, 1836.

on.

ing confidence, that, by wave upon wave, and cataract precedent to the execution of a treaty uncondition. after cataract, seems to be bearing away and destroying ally ratified, and to the payment of a debt acknowl. wbatsoever would withstand it. How much longer we edged by all the branches of her Government to be due, may be able to support this opposition in any degree, that certain explanations shall be made, of which she or whether we can possibly hold out till the public in- dictates the terms. These terms are such as that Gov. telligence and the public patriotism shall be awakened ernment has already been officially informed cannot be to a due sense of the public danger, it is not for me to complied with; and, if persisted in, they must be conforesee or to foretell. I shall not despair to the last, if, sidered as a delibcrate refusal on the part of France to in the mean time, we be true to our own principles. If fulfil engagements binding by the laws of nations, and there be a steadfast adherence to those principles, both held sacred by the whole civilized world. The nature here and elsewhere, if, one and all, they continue the of the act which France requires from this Government rule of our conduct in the Senate, and the rallying is clearly set forth in the letter of the French minister, point of those who think with us and support us out of marked No. 4. “We will pay the money," says he, the Senate, I am content to hope on, and to struggle " when the Government of the United States is ready,

While it remains a contest for the preservation of on its part, to declare to us, by addressing its claim to the constitution, for the security of the public liberty, us officially, in writing, that it regrets the misunderstandfor the ascendency of principle over men, I am willing ing which has arisen between the two countries; that to bear my part in it. "If we can maintain the constitu- this misunderstanding is founded on a mistake; that it tion, if we can preserve this security for liberty, if we never entered into its intention to call in question the can thus give to true principle its just superiority over good faith of the French Government, nor to take a meparty, over persons, over names, our labors will be nacing attitude towards France;" and he adds, “ if the richly rewarded. If we fail in all this, they are already Government of the United States does not give this asamong the living, who will write the history of this surance, we shall be obliged to think that this misunderGovernment, from its commencement to its close. standing is not the result of an error.” In the letter When Mr. WEBSTER had concluded,

marked No. 6, the French minister also remarks, "that Mr. CUTHBERT observed that, after the expulsion the Government of the United States knows that upon of the Tarquins, the kingly power was abolished at itself depends henceforward the execution of the treaty Rome. The great dread at Rome was the dread of the of July 4, 1831." kingly name, from which the Romans thought the great Obliged, by the precise language thus used by the est danger to the republic was to be apprehended. The French minister, to view it as a peremptory refusal to danger to Rome, however, was not in the kingly name; execute the treaty, except on terms incompatible with for, so odious had the name become, that, in the very the honor and independence of the United States, and worst days of the republic, it could never have been re. persuaded that, on considering the correspondence now vived. Here was the error committed by the gentle submitted to you, you can regard it in no other light, it man from Massachusetts—the dread of the kingly pow becomes my duty to call your attention to such measures er, from which no danger could be apprehended in this as the exigency of the case demands, if the claim of inGovernment. It was the patrician class—a moneyed terfering in the communications between the different aristocracy—a combination of their political leaders, branches of our Government shall be persisted in. This seeking to establish an aristocratic Government, regardless pretension is rendered the more unreasonable by the of the welfare of the people, that was more to be dread- fact that the substance of the required explanation has ed than the power of any single man, There was the been repeatedly and voluntarily given, before it was in. situation under which they were placed in that House.

sisted on as a condition-a condition the more humiliaThe administration was daily subject to the most violent ting, because it is demanded as the equivalent of a pecu. attacks from these political leaders, who were men of niary consideration. Does France desire only a declara. established character, of intellectual acquireinents, and tion that we had no intention to obtain our rights by an acknowledged standing in society; yet the course of address to her fears rather than to her justice? She has these leaders was not to be impugned, lest (said Mr. already had it, frankly and explicitly given by our minC.) we infringe the rules of order.

ister accredited to her Government, bis act ratified by Here Mr. C. yielded the floor to a motion for adjourn- me, and my confirmation of it officially communicated ment.

by him, in his letter to the French Minister of Foreiga And the Senate adjourned to Monday.

Affairs of the 25th of April, 1835, and repeated by my

published approval of that letter after the passage of the MONDAY, JANUARY 18.

bill of indemnification. Does France want a degrading, UNITED STATES AND FRANCE.

servile repetition of this act, in terms which she shall dic

tate, and which will involve an acknowledgment of her The following message was received from the Presi assumed right to interfere in our domestic councils? She dent of the United States, by Mr. DonElson, his sec. will never obtain it. The spirit of the American people, retary.

the dignity of the Legislature, and the firm resolve of To the Senate and House of Representatives:

their executive Government, forbid it. Gentlemen: In my message at the opening of your As the answer of the French minister to our chargé session I informed you that our chargé d'affaires at d'affaires at Paris contains an allusion to a letter adParis had been instructed to ask for the final determi. dressed by him to the representative of France at this nation of the French Government, in relation to the pay- place, it now becomes proper to lay before you the corment of the indemnification secured by the treaty of the respondence had between that functionary and the Sec4th of July, 1831, and that when advices of the result retary of State, relative to that letter, and to accompany should be received it would be made the subject of a the same with such explanations as will enable you to special communication.

understand the course of the Executive in regard to it. In execution of this design, I now transmit to you Recurring to the historical statement made at the comthe papers numbered from one to thirteen, inclusive, mencement of your session, of the origin and progress containing, among other things, the correspondence of our difficulties with France, it will be recollected that, on this subject between our chargé d'affaires and on the return of our minister to the United States, I the French Minister of Foreign Affairs, from which it caused my official approval of the explanations he had will be seen that France requires, as a condition given to the French Minister of Foreign Affairs to be

Jar. 18, 1836.]

United States and France.

(SENATE.

made public. As the French Government had noticed Minister of Foreign Affairs was read to the Secretary of the message without its being officially communicated, State on the 11th of September last. This was the first it was not doubted that, if they were disposed to pay the authentic indication of the specific views of the French money due to us, they would notice any public explana Government received by the Government of the United tion of the Government of the United States in the same States after the passage of the bill of indemnification. way. But, contrary to these well-founded expectations, Inasmuch as the letter had been written before the offi. the French ministry did not take this fair opportunity cial notice of my approval of Mr. Livingston's last ex. to relieve themselves from their unfortunate position, and planation and remonstrance could have reached Paris, to do justice to the United States.

just ground of hope was left, as has been before stated, Whilst, however, the Government of the United States that the French Government, on receiving that informawas awaiting the movements of the French Government, tion in the same manner the alleged offending message in perfect confidence that the difficulty was at an end, had reached them, would desist from their extraordinary the Secretary of State received a call from the French | demand, and pay the money at once. To give them an chargé d'affaires in Washington, who desired to read to opportunity to do so, and, at all events, to elicit their him a letter he had received from the French Minister final determination, and the ground they intended to of Foreign Affairs. He was asked whether he was in. occupy, the instructions were given to our chargé d'afstructed or directed to make any official communication, faires which were adverted to at the commencement of and replied that he was only authorized to read the let the present session of Congress. The result, as you ter, and furnish a copy if requested. The substance of have seen, is a demand of an official written expression its contents, it is presumed, may be gathered from Nos. of regrets, and a direct explanation addressed to France, 4 and 6, herewith transmitted. It was an attempt to

with a distinct intimation that this is a sine qua non. make known to the Government of the United States, Mr. Barton having, in pursuance of bis instructions, privately, in what manner it could make explanations, returned to the United States, and the chargé d'affaires apparently voluntary, but really dictated by France, ac of France having been recalled, all diplomatic interceptable to her, and thus obtain payment of the twenty course between the two countries is suspended--a state five millions of francs. No exception was taken to this of things originating in an unreasonable. susceptibility mode of communication, which is often used to prepare on the part of the French Government, and rendered the way for official intercourse, but the suggestions necessary on our part by their refusal to perform enmade in it were, in their substance, wholly inadmissible. gagements contained in a treaty, from the faithful perNot being in the shape of an official communication to formance of which by us they are to this day enjoying this Government, it did not admit of reply or official many important commercial advantages. notice, nor could it safely be made the basis of any It is time that this unequal position of affairs should action by the Executive or the Legislature; and the cease, and that legislative action should be brought to Secretary of State did not think proper to ask a copy,

sustain executive exertion in such measures as the case because he could have no use for it. Copies of papers, requires. While France persists in her refusal to commarked Nos. 9, 10, and 11, show an attempt on the part ply with the terms of a treaty, the object of which was, of the French chargé d'affaires, many weeks afterwards, by removing all causes of mutual complaint, to renew to place a copy of this paper among the archives of this ancient feelings of friendship, and to unite the two naGovernment, which, for obvious reasons, was not al- ' tions in the bonds of amity, and of a mutually beneficial lowed to be done; but the assurance before given was commerce, she cannot justly complain if we adopt such repeated, that any official communication which he peaceful remedies as the law of nations and the circummight be authorized to make in the accustomed form stances of the case may authorize and demand. Of the would receive a prompt and just consideration. The nature of these remedies I have heretofore had occasion indiscretion of this attempt was made more manifest by to speak; and, in reference to a particular contingency, the subsequent avowal of the French chargé d'affaires, to express my conviction that reprisals would be best that the object was to bring the letter before Congress adapted to the emergency then contemplated. Since and the American people. If foreign agents, on a sub. that period, France, by all the departments of her Govject of disagreement between their Government and this, ernment, las acknowledged the validity of our claims wish to prefer an appeal to the American people, they and the obligations of the treaty, and has appropriated will hereafter, it is hoped, better appreciate their own the moneys which are necessary to its execution; and rights, and the respect due to others, than to attempt to though payment is withheld on grounds vitally imporuse the Exçcutive as the passive organ of their commu tant to our existence as an independent nation, it is not nications. It is due to the character of our institutions to be believed that she can have determined permanentthat the diplomatic intercourse of this Government | ly to retain a position so utterly indefensible. In the should be conducted with the utmost directness and sim- altered state of the questions in controversy, and under plicity, and that, in all cases of importance, the commu all existing circumstances, it appears to me that, until nications received or made by the Executive should such a determination shall bave become evident, it will assume the accustomed official form. It is only by in- be proper and sufficient to retaliate her present refusal sisting on this form that foreign Powers can be held to to comply with her engagements by prohibiting the infull responsibility; that their communications can be offi. troduction of French products and the entry of French cially replied to; or that the advice or interference of vessels into our ports. Between this and the interdiction the Legislature can, with propriety, be invited by the of all commercial intercourse, or other remedies, you, President. This course is also best calculated, on the as the representatives of the people, must determine. one hand, to shield that officer from unjust suspicions; I recommend the former, in the present posture of our and, on the other, to subject this portion of bis' acts to affairs, as being the least injurious to our commerce, public scrutiny, and, if occasion shall require it, to con and as attended with the least difficulty of returning to stitutional animadversion. It was the more necessary to the usual state of friendly intercourse, if the Govern. adhere to these principles in the instance in question, ment of France shall render us the justice that is due; inasmuch as, in addition to other important interests, it and also as a proper preliminary step to stronger measvery intimately concerned the national honor; a matter, ures, should their adoption be rendered necessary by in my judgment, much too sacred to be made the subject subsequent events. of private and unofficial negotiation.

The return of our chargé d'affaires is attended with It will be perceived that this letter of the French | public notices of naval preparations on the part of

SENATE.)

United States and France.

{Jan. 18, 1836.

France, destined for our seas. of the cause and intent last, and of a letter addressed to this Department by the of these armaments I bave no authentic information, late minister of the Government of France, with the nor any other means of judging, except such as are correspondence connected with that communication, common to yourselves and to the public; but whatever which, together with a late correspondence between the may be their object, we are not at liberty to regard Secretary of State and the French chargé d'affaires, and them as unconnected with the measures which hostile a recent correspondence between the chargé d'affaires movements on the part of France may compel us to of the United States at Paris and the Duke de Broglie, pursue. They at least deserve to be met by adequate already transmitted to the President to be communicated preparations on our part, and I therefore strongly urge to Congress with his special message relative thereto, large and speedy appropriations for the increase of the are the only papers in the Department of State supposed navy, and the completion of our coast defences.

to be called for by the resolutions of the Senate of the If this array of military force be really designed to 12th instant. affect the action of the Governinent and people of the It will be seen by the correspondence with the United States on the questions now pending between chargé d'affaires of France, that a despatch to him from the two nations, then indeed would it be dishonorable to the Duke de Broglie was read to the Secretary, at the pause a moment on the alternative which such a state of Department, in September last. It concluded with an things would present to us. Come what may, the ex authority to permit a copy to be taken if it was desired. planation which France demands can never be accorded; That despatch being an argumentative answer to the and no armament, however powerful and imposing, at last letter of Mr. Livingston to the French Government, a distance, or on our coast, will, I trust, deter us from and in affirmance of the right of France to expect discharging the high duties which we owe to our con explanations of the message of the President, which stituents, to our national character, and to the world.

France had been distinctly and timely informed could The House of Representatives, at the close of the last not be given without a disregard by the Chief Magis. session of Congress, unanimously resolved that the trea trate of his constitutional obligations, no desire was exty of the 4th of July, 1831, should be maintained, and pressed to obtain a copy: it being obviously improper to its execution insisted on by the United States. It is receive an argument in a form which admitted of no redue to the welfare of the human race, not less than to ply, and necessarily unavailing to inquire how much or our own interests and honor, that this resolution should, how little would satisfy France, when her right to any at all hazards, be adhered to. If, after so signal an ex such explanation had been, beforehand, so distinctly ample as that given by the American people during and formally denied. their long-protracted difficulties with France, of for

All which is respectfully submitted. bearance under accumulated wrongs, and of generous

JOHN FORSYTH. confidence in her ultimate return to justice, she shall now be permitted to withhold from us the tardy and im. The above messages and documents having been reac, perfect 'indemnification wbich, after years of remon. Mr. CLAY moved that the message, with the accomstrance and discussion, had at length been solemnly panying documents, be referred to the Committee on agreed on by the treaty of 1831, and to set at nought the Foreign Relations. Whereupon, obligation it imposes, the United States will not be the Mr. BUCHANAN said that he had been so much grat. only sufferers. The efforts of humanity and religion to ified with the message which had just been read that substitute the appeals of justice and the arbitrament he could not, and he thought he ought not, at this the of reason for the coercive measures usually resorted to very first moment, to refrain from expressing bis entire by injured nations will receive little encouragement | approbation of its general tone and spirit. He had from such an issue. By the selection and enforcement watched with intense anxiety the progress of our unfora of such lawful and expedient measures as may be ne tunate controversy with France. He had hoped, sincessary to prevent a result so injurious to ourselves, cerely hoped, that the explanations which had been and so fatal to the hopes of the philanthropist, we made by Mr. Livingston, and officially approved by the shall therefore not only preserve the pecuniary interests President of the United States, would have proved satof our citizens, the independence of our Government, isfactory to the French Government. In this he had and the honor of our country, but do much, it may be found his hopes to be vain. After this effort had failed, hoped, to vindicate the faith of treaties, and to promote he felt a degree of confidence, almost amounting to mor; the general interests of peace, civilization, and improve al assurance, that the last message to Congress would

ANDREW JACKSON. have been hailed by France, as it was by the American Washington, January 15, 1836.

people, as the olive branch which would have restored The following message was also received from the

amity and good understanding between us and our anPresident of the United States:

cieni ally. Even in this, he feared he was again doom

ed to be disappointed. The Government of France, To the Senate of the United States:

unless they change their determination, will not consider In compliance with the resolution of the Senate of

this message as sufficient. We have the terms clearly the 12th instant, I transmit a report of the Secretary of prescribed by the Duke de Broglie, upon which, and State, with the papers therein referred to, which, with

upon which alone, the French Government will consent those accompanying the special message this day sent to Congress, are believed to contain all the information re

to comply with the treaty, and to pay the five millions of dollars to our injured fellow.citizens.

Speculation is quested. The papers relative to the letter of the late

now at an end. The clouds and darkness which have minister of France have been added to those called for, that the subject may be fully understood.

hung over this question have vanished. It is now made

clear as a sunbeam. The money will not be paid, says ANDREW JACKSON.

the organ of the French Government, unless the Gove

ernment of the United States shall address its claim offiWASHINGTON, January 18, 1836.

cially in writing to France, accompanied by what ap. DEPARTMENT OF STATE,

peared to bim, and he believed would appear to the Washington, January 13, 1836. whole American people, without distinction of party, to To the President of the Uniled States:

be a degrading apology. The striking peculiarity of The Secretary of State has the honor to lay before the case, the one which he would undertake to say disthe President a copy of a report made to him in June tinguished it from any other case which had arisen in

ment.

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