SENATE.] Caln Quarterly Meeting Memorial-Speculation in Indian Claims. [JAN. 11, 1836. Mr. KING, of Alabama, could see no difference between discussing the question on this or on the former more respectful, there seemed to be a propriety to confine the debate to it, rather than to extend it on the other, the words of which were calculated to produce so much bitterness and excitement. Mr. WEBSTER hoped that the Senator from Pennsylvania would not take a course by which all the ordinary business of the morning would be obstructed, and that the consideration of this memorial would be deferred until the other petitions had been received. tween the course he (Mr. C.) had pursued, and the one the Senator recommends. A reference of these petitions is not necessary to give jurisdiction to the Competition. The language of this memorial, indeed, being mittee for the District, in order to bring out their opin ion and that of the Senate on the highly important point on which the Senator anticipated so much unanimity. A resolution may be moved expressly denying the pow er of Congress, and referred to the committee; and, if no other should move it, he (Mr. C.) would, if acceptable to the Senator from Virginia. So far from the two courses being incompatible, they were, in his opinion, in perfect harmony, and, together, formed the true course. Let the Senate, by a unanimous rejection of these vile slanders on the slaveholding States, show a just indignation at the insult offered them; and let it be followed by the passage of a resolution, with like unanimity, denying the power of Congress to touch the subject of emancipation in this District; and much, very much, would be done to put down agitation, to restore confidence to the South, and preserve harmony to the Union. The question of postponement till Monday was then determined in the affirmative. On motion of Mr. WEBSTER, it was Mr.CALHOUN thought the debate which commenced on Thursday ought to be resumed and continued. He saw no reason why this memorial should take priority over the one presented from Ohio; why we should break away from that petition to receive this, merely because the language in which it was couched was respectful; that is, as respectful as could be expected. For, however temperate it might seem, the same principle was imbodied in it; and the inuendoes conveyed were as far from being acceptable as the barefaced insolence of the other. He hoped the debate would go on on the first petition; that the question would be met manfully; and Ordered, That when the Senate adjourn, it adjourn that, at the same time, we should not encroach upon the to meet on Monday. The Senate then adjourned. MONDAY, JANUARY 11. The honorable A. CUTHBERT, from Georgia, appeared and took his seat. CALN QUARTERLY MEETING MEMORIAL. After the reception of sundry executive communications and memorials, Mr. BUCHANAN said he was now about to present the memorial of the Caln quarterly meeting of the religious society of Friends in Pennsylvania, requesting Congress to abolish slavery and the slave trade in the District of Columbia. On this subject he had expressed his opinions to the Senate on Thursday last, and he had no disposition to repeat them at present. He would say, however, that, on a review of these opinions, he was perfectly satisfied with them. All he should now say was, that the memorial which he was about to present was perfectly respectful in its language. Indeed, it could not possibly be otherwise, considering the respectable source from which it emanated. hour which ought to be devoted to other business. Mr. KING, of Alabama, said his object was to avoid excitement. The object of the petitioners in both memorials was the same. It intends the abolition of slavery and of the traffic in slaves in the District of Columbia. He had no wish to shrink from the question; on the contrary, he was desirous of giving a direct vote. Let the motion of the Senator from Pennsylvania prevail, and certainly the object of the gentleman from South Carolina would be attained. It would say to all who hold the same sentiments with these petitioners, that no further action would be had on any similar memorials, except merely to read and to reject them. He had hoped that this session would pass away without any additional excitement. But the legislation here upon the subject had produced tenfold agitation. Suppose you reject the petition from Ohio because the language is disrespectful, will that put an end to this excitement? Any man must be blind not to see that an impression, and a well-founded one, would go abroad that it was not received on that account merely, and that legislation was had on it in reference only to the language in which it was couched. The course pointed out by the Senator from Pennsylvania puts an end to all this. It says not to receive. He had no disposition and no intention to take any part in the debate. He should give a silent It would become his duty to make some motion in re-distinctly, we will reject what we will not, cannot, ought gard to this memorial. On Thursday last he had suggested that, in his judgment, the best course to pursue was to refer these memorials to a select committee, or to the Committee for the District of Columbia. He still thought so; but he now found that insurmountable obstacles presented themselves to such a reference. In presenting this memorial, and in exerting himself, so far as in him lay, to secure for it that respectable reception by the Senate which it deserved, he should do his duty to the memorialists. After it should obtain this reception, he should have a duty to perform to himself and to his country. He was clearly of opinion, for the reasons he had stated on Thursday last, that Congress ought not, at this time, to abolish slavery in the District of Columbia, and that it was our duty promptly to place this exciting question at rest. He should therefore move that the memorial be read, and that the prayer of the memorialists be rejected. Mr. PRESTON said that the question was already raised by his colleague, and he trusted that the Senator from Pennsylvania would not urge any action on this petition until some disposition was made of the one presented on Thursday by the gentleman from Ohio. vote. Mr. CLAY said that he had not risen to take a part in the principal question. He did not think, however, that these petitioners ought to have any monopoly of the time and attention of the Senate. He could not consent to it. He had a motion himself which he wished to present, and to which he attached much importance. should therefore move that this whole matter be laid on the table, at least until the necessary business of the morning be got through with. He The question being taken, the memorial, &c., was ordered to lie on the table. SPECULATION IN INDIAN CLAIMS. Mr. BLACK said he had received, and would take this occasion to present, a memorial from a number of the citizens of Mississippi, residing in the northern part of that State, on an important subject. It related to extensive frauds said to be about to be practised on the Government in relation to the public lands, involving, as the memorialists suppose, at least the quantity of upwards JAN. 11, 1836.] Speculation in Indian Claims. [SENATE. result of misconstruction of the President's language, and he wished it may turn out so. But he hoped, to whatever committee the subject might be referred, that every effort would be used to bring these nefarious culprits before the world, and to hold them up to the indignation they deserve for having attempted to commit so outrageous a robbery on the public property. From what he had gathered, there had been no project since the famous Yazoo business, which had been so nefarious as the schemes which had been carried on in Mississippi, and he hoped every pains would be taken to ferret out the abuse. of two millions of acres of public land. He was inform-the public lands. It was said these frauds had been the ed that there was much excitement on the subject in that State, and that other memorials would be forwarded, numerously signed. It appears by the treaty of Dancing Rabbit creek, that, to each Choctaw head of a family desirous of remaining and becoming citizens of Alabama or Mississippi, a reservation was made of six hundred and forty acres of land, to include improvements, and to each child a less quantity, adjoining the improvement of the parent; the land to be patented to claimants after a residence thereon of five years. It was made necessary, under the 14th article, which contains this provision, that all intending to avail themselves of this advantage should record their names with the Indian agent within six months after the making of the treaty. This register was kept by the agent at that time, (Colonel Ward,) but it appears that, by mistake, some names were omitted, or, if recorded, the register has been mutilated. The memorialists state that some speculators, seizing upon the advantage which this circumstance afforded, have gone to the Indians who have removed beyond the Mississippi river, and have procured, for a trifling consideration, very numerous claims, to be preferred, sufficient to cover all, or nearly all, the good land remaining. He was informed that some of these gentlemen, speculating on these claims, no doubt from "patriotic motives," had sold out their chances for immense sums. He was also informed that, seizing upon the advantage of the fact that these lands had been reserved from the late sales, they were endeavoring to exact large amounts from the settlers to quiet their possessions, and secure their homes, under the apprehension that these claims will finally be made good. Mr. B. said he had no doubt there were some few cases in which individuals among the Choctaws had suffered detriment by their names not appearing in the register kept by the agent, who have conformed to the requisitions of the treaty; but he had no doubt that those cases were very few indeed, and those should meet, when presented, with the favorable attention of Congress. What he desired at present was, to put all on their guard against these claims, and to prevent the innocent settlers from being taken in by them. They must come into the action of Congress; and while he was ready to do justice to the meritorious claims, he would at the same time say it was his firm conviction that few, very few, will be found to be of that character. He would advise the settlers, therefore, against causeless apprehension, and all especially against dealing in such improbable chances. Mr. B. said he had been informed that one hundred sections had been reserved at a single land office, without any power so to reserve. The land should, after having been proclaimed, have been sold.. As to the direction which this memorial shall take, he remarked that he was not altogether sure that it properly belonged to the Committee on Private Land Claims. He did not desire the investigation in which these claims would probably involve the committee; yet, if the Senate thought that the proper direction, he was ready to undertake it, and they should be subjected to the strictest scrutiny. They cannot be passed without legislative action, and none of them shall pass until, after the fullest investigation, they shall be found to be just. After a few words from Mr. KING, of Alabama, inaudible to the reporters, from the loud conversation in the privileged seats, Mr. CLAY expressed his gratification that the Senator from Mississippi had brought forward this subject; and stated that he had received accounts of extensive frauds said to have been committed under the Choctaw treaty. It had even been said that the extent of these frauds would amount to ten millions of dollars out of Mr. WHITE, of Tennessee, made a few remarks on the subject. He said he was led to believe, from information which had reached him, chiefly through the newspapers, that a plan had been laid for an immense speculation, under cover of the Indian treaty referred to; in pursuance of which, the claims that might be allowed to certain Indians under the treaty, to a very large amount, had been bought up by individuals. His belief was, that claims of this kind had been purchased up, by using the names of the Indians, but entirely for the benefit of other persons. The Government, (Mr. W. said,) in his opinion, lay under a high responsibility to protect the Indians in the rights reserved by the treaty. By this speculation in the contingent claims of the Indians, if sanctioned by Congress, great injustice would be done to them. He hoped, he said, that not a claim of this description would be allowed until it was ascertained that the whole amount of it would enure solely and exclusively to the benefit of the Indian entitled to it. So far as he was concerned, as a member of the committee to whom it was proposed to refer this subject, he wished to be understood that he would not consent that any man but an Indian should enjoy the benefit of any one of these claims. No white man should, with his consent, enrich himself by the beggary of those people, whom he considered peculiarly under the guardianship of the United States. Mr. WEBSTER remarked that the fame of these speculations had reached the State in which he resided. These reservations had been made in the expectation that they would be productive of substantial benefits to the Indians. It seemed, however, that the substantial benefits had been in another quarter. He wished to know if he had understood that these grants, obtained by the speculators, would require the sanction of Congress to make them valid. If so, he was very glad to hear it. Mr. BLACK, in explanation, stated that some of the grants were registered in the proper manner, and be. longed to the Indians, and he hoped these would not be prejudiced. Others would require the sanction of Congress. Mr. KING, of Alabama, stated (as well as he could be heard) that, owing to the negligence of the agent, or by some means, some of those who were regularly registered had not received their lands. The evidence of their claims was ordered to be presented to Congress at the last session, but was not sent; and as the acting agent bad gone on to render the sales, he hoped none of those who had legally availed themselves of the provisions of the treaty would be injured. The claim of a white citizen ought not to be disallowed, if it should be found that the Indians received all the advantages guarantied to them by the treaty. Mr. WHITE briefly explained that, under the fourteenth article of the treaty, no Indian was to receive a patent for his land unless he had resided on it for five years. He wished it to be understood that he did not intend to give any opinion on these claims in advance. There were none presented to be relied on, on which SENATE.] Abolition of Slavery--Sufferers by Fire in New York. to found an opinion. But, as one of the Committee on Indian Affairs, he was determined not to permit any location of a white citizen unless he was satisfied that the full benefit of the reservation had resulted to the Indian. The petition was then referred to the Committee on Private Land Claims. SUFFERERS BY FIRE IN NEW YORK. Mr. WEBSTER, from the Committee on Finance, reported a bill for the relief of the sufferers by the fire in the city of New York; which was read twice. Mr. W. stated that he should ask the Senate to act on this bill at an early day, perhaps to-morrow. SUPPRESSION OF INDIAN HOSTILITIES. Mr. WEBSTER, from the Committee on Finance, reported a bill making appropriation for suppressing the hostilities with the Seminole Indians, with an amend ment. Mr. W. explained briefly the necessity for acting on this bill at once, and stated that the amendment increased the appropriation from 80,000 to 120,000 dollars. The amendment was ordered to be engrossed, and the bill to be read a third time. THE UNITED STATES AND FRANCE. [JAN. 12, 1836. has not, however, done so; and probably will not, without a call from the Senate. Mr. C. then offered the following resolutions, which lie upon the table for one day: Resolved, That the President be requested to communicate to the Senate (if it be not in his opinion incompatible with the public interest) whether, since the termination of the last Congress, any overture, formal or informal, official or unofficial, has been made by the French Government to the Executive of the United States, to accommodate the difficulties between the two Governments respecting the execution of the convention of the 4th day of July, 1831; and, particularly, whether a despatch from the Duc de Broglie, the French Minister of Foreign Affairs, to the French chargé de affaires at Washington, was read, and the original or a copy of it furnished by him to the Secretary of State, for the purpose of indicating a mode in which those difficulties might be removed. Resolved, also, (under the restriction above mentioned,) in the event of any such overture having been made, that the President be requested to inform the Senate what answer was given to it; and if the original or a copy of any such despatch were received, that he be further requested to communicate a copy of it to the Senate. DISTRICT BANKS. Mr. CLAY rose and said it must be obvious to every observer of passing events, that our affairs with France are becoming every day more and more serious in their character, and are rapidly tending to a crisis. Mutual irritations are daily occurring, from the animadversions of the public press, and among individuals, in and out of office, in both countries; and a state of feeling, greatly to be deprecated, if we are to preserve the relations of peace, must certainly be the consequence. According to the theory of our constitution, our diplo-lution on the table; which motion was agreed to. matic concerns with foreign countries are intrusted to the President of the United States, until they reach a certain point involving the question of peace or war, and then Congress is to determine on that momentous question. In other words, the President conducts our foreign intercourse; Congress alone can change that intercourse from a peaceable to a belligerent one. This right to decide the question of war carries along with it the right to know whatever has passed between our own Executive and the Government of any foreign Power. No matter what may be the nature of the correspondence-whether official or not-whether formal or informal-Congress has the right to any and all information whatever which may be in the possession of the Mr. BENTON's resolution to appoint a special committee on the banks of the District of Columbia was taken up; when Mr. SOUTHARD made some observations in opposition to a special committee, intimating that the Committee for the District of Columbia might be instructed to make the inquiries. After a few words from Mr. BENTON, in reply, Mr. SOUTHARD stated that he wished to prepare an amendment, and moved to lay, for the present, the reso other branch of the Government. No Senator here could have failed to have been acquainted with the fact that the contents of a most important despatch or document has been discussed, and a most important overture canvassed in the different newspapers-in private and political circles-by individuals: every body, in fact, knows what has taken place, except the Congress of the United States. The papers friendly to the administration--indeed, the whole circle of the American press--are in possession of the contents of a paper which this body has not been yet allowed to see; and I have one journal, a Southern administration journal, before me, which states a new and important fact in reference to it. I have said that our situation with France grows every day more embarrassing--the aspect of our relations with her more and more dark and threatening. I could not, therefore, longer delay in making the following motion. I should have done so before, but for a prevalent rumor that the President would soon make a communication to Congress, which would do away the necessity of the resolutions which I now submit, by laying before Congress the information which is the object of my motion. He SLAVERY IN THE DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA. The motion of Mr. CALHOUN, not to receive the petitions from Ohio, coming up in order, Mr. LEIGH said he proposed to make some remarks, and moved to postpone the subject until to-morrow; which was agreed to. EXECUTIVE PATRONAGE. The special order, being the bill to repeal the 1st and 2d sections of an act to limit the terms of office of certain officers therein named, was taken up; and the bill was considered as in Committee of the Whole, and reported without amendment, after some remarks from Mr. CALHOUN and Mr. CUTHBERT. Mr. WRIGHT asked for the yeas and nays on the question of the engrossment of the bill, and they were ordered accordingly. The question was then taken on the engrossment of the bill for a third reading, and decided as follows: YEAS-Messrs. Benton, Black, Calhoun, Clay, Clay- NAYS--Messrs. Brown, Buchanan, Cuthbert, Grundy, TUESDAY, JANUARY 12. SUFFERERS BY FIRE IN NEW YORK. On motion of Mr. WEBSTER, the Senate proceeded to consider the bill for the relief of the sufferers by the fire in the city of New York. JAN. 12, 1836.] The United States and France, &c.-Surplus Revenue, &c. [SENATE. Mr. WEBSTER stated the character of the bill, of for the purpose of indicating a mode in which those diffiwhich the following is a copy: A BILL for the relief of the sufferers by the fire in the city of New York. Be it enacted, &c., That the collector of the port of New York be, and he is hereby, authorized, as he may deem best calculated to secure the interests of the United States, to cause to be extended (with the assent of the securities thereon) to all persons who have suffered loss of property by the conflagration at that place, on the sixteenth day of December last, by the burning of their buildings or merchandise, the time of payment of all bonds heretofore given by them for duties, to periods not exceeding three, four, and five years, in equal instalments, from and after the day of payment specified in the bonds; or to allow the said bonds to be cancelled, upon giving to said collector new bonds, with one or more sureties, to the satisfaction of the said collector, for the sums of the former bonds, respectively, payable in equal instalments, in three, four, and five years from and after the day of payment specified in the bonds to be taken and cancelled as aforesaid; and the said collector is hereby authorized and directed to give up, or cancel, all such bonds, upon the receipt of others described in this section; which last-mentioned bonds shall be proceeded with, in all respects, like other bonds which are taken by collectors for duties due to the United States, and shall have the same force and validity: Provided, That those who are within the provision of this section, but who may have paid their bonds subsequent to the late fire, shall also be entitled to the benefit of this section, and that the said bonds shall be renewed from the day when the same were paid, and said payments refunded. And provided, also, That the benefits of this section shall not be extended to any person whose loss shall not be proved, to the satisfaction of the collector, to have exceeded the sum of one thousand dollars. SEC. 2. And be it further enacted, That the collector of the port of New York is hereby authorized and directed to extend the payment, in the manner prescribed in the first section of this act, of all other bonds given for duties at the port of New York, prior to the late fire, and not provided for in the first section, as aforesaid, for six, nine, and twelve months from and after the day of payment specified in the bonds: Provided, however, That nothing contained in this act shall extend to bonds which had fallen due before the seventeenth day of De cember last. pres Mr. CLAY made some objection to the bill in its ent shape, but wished it to lie for examination; which was assented to; and, after a few words from Mr. CALHOUN, Mr. WRIGHT, and Mr. WEBSTER, was for the present laid on the table. THE UNITED STATES AND FRANCE, &c. The resolutions offered yesterday by Mr. CLAY, calling on the Executive for information concerning our relations with France, having been taken up, as follows: "Resolved, That the President be requested to communicate to the Senate (if it be not in his opinion incompatible with the public interest) whether, since the termination of the last Congress, any overture, formal or informal, official or unofficial, has been made by the French Government to the Executive of the United States, to accommodate the difficulties between the two Governments respecting the execution of the convention of the 4th day of July, 1831; and, particularly, whether a despatch from the Duc de Broglie, the French Minister of Foreign Affairs, to the French chargé de affaires at Washington, was read, and the original or a copy of it furnished by him to the Secretary of State, culties might be removed. "Resolved, also, (under the restriction above mentioned,) in the event of any such overture having been made, That the President be requested to inform the Senate what answer was given to it; and if the original or a copy of any such despatch were received, that he be further requested to communicate a copy of it to the Senate." Mr. LEIGH moved to amend the resolutions by adding the following: Resolved, also, (under the restriction before mentioned,) That the President be requested to communicate to the Senate a copy of the note of M. Serurier, mentioned in his message of the 25th February, 1835, and not then communicated, for reasons stated in the report of the Secretary of State to the President, of the same date. The amendment was adopted, and the resolutions, as amended, were agreed to. SURPLUS REVENUE, BANK STOCK, AND NATIONAL DEFENCE. The following resolution, submitted yesterday by Mr. BENTON, was taken up for consideration: "Resolved, That the surplus revenue of the United States, and the dividends of stock receivable from the Bank of the United States, ought to be set apart, and applied to the general defence and permanent security of the country. That the President be requested to cause the Senate to be informed- "1. The probable amount that would be necessary for fortifying the lake, maritime, and gulf frontier of the United States, and such points of the land frontier as may require permanent fortifications. "2. The probable amount that would be necessary to construct an adequate number of armories and arsenals in the United States, and to supply the States with field artillery, especially brass field pieces, for their militia, and with side arms and pistols for their cavalry. "3. The probable amount that would be necessary to supply the United States with the ordnance, arms, and munitions of war, which a proper regard to selfdefence would require to be always on hand. 4. The probable amount that would be necessary to place the naval defences of the United States (including the increase of the navy, navy yards, dock yards, and steam or floating batteries) upon the footing of strength and respectability which is due to the security and to the welfare of the Union." The resolution having been read, Mr. BENTON rose and said that the objects contemplated by it were of a general and permanent nature, and required attention, without regard to existing circumstances. To place itself in a state of defence was the duty of all countries which desired to preserve their independence or to live with honor. The United States were not in a state of defence, and it was their duty to attend to that object. The present time was the proper time. The public debt was paid, a large surplus revenue was accumulating, and the country was every way prosperous. Projects were devised to distribute these surpluses among the States; but he was in favor of setting them apart, and dedicating them to the defence of the Union. Formerly, and by a law as old as the republic, these surpluses were all set apart, and constituted a separate fund, called the sinking fund, and inviolably applied to the sacred purpose of extinguishing the national debt. By this means the debt has been paid. He was for reviving and continuing this policy, with a change of object, from the debt to the defences of the Union, and would wish to see all the surplus revenue take that direction, until the country was as secure from receiving, as it is averse from offering, offence. It would require all the surpluses, and many years of exertion, to accomplish the object. Mr. B. repeated, his motion was for objects of a general and permanent character, and he felt it to be his duty to make it, without regard to impending events or to extrinsic circumstances. But there were events and circumstances which should give emphasis to his motion, and stimulate its immediate adoption. A French fleet of sixty vessels of war, to be followed by sixty more, now in commission, approaches our coast; and approaches it for the avowed purpose of observing our conduct in relation to France. It is styled in the French papers a squadron of observation; and we are sufficiently acquainted with the military vocabulary of France to know what that phrase means. In the days of the great Emperor, we were accustomed to see the armies which demolished empires at a blow wear that pacific title up to the moment that the blow was ready to be struck. These grand armies assembled on the frontiers of empires, gave emphasis to negotiation, and crushed what resisted. A squadron of observation, then, is a squadron of intimidation first, and of attack eventually; and nothing could be more palpable than that such was the character of the squadron in question. It leaves the French coast cotemporaneously with the departure of our diplomatic agent, and the assembling of our Congress; it arrives upon our coast at the very moment that we shall have to vote upon French affairs; and it takes a position upon our Southern border-that border, above all others, on which we are, at this time, peculiarly sensitive to hostile approach. What have we done, continued Mr. B., to draw this squadron upon us? We have done no wrong to France; we are making no preparations against her; and not even ordinary preparations for general and permanent security. We have treaties, and are executing them, even the treaty that she does not execute? We have been executing that treaty for five years, and may say that we have paid France as much under it as we have in vain demanded from her, as the first instalment of the indemnity; not, in fact, by taking money out of our treasury and delivering to her, but, what is better for her, namely, leaving her own money in her own hands, in the shape of diminished duties upon her wines, as provided for in this same treaty, which we execute, and which she does not. In this way France has gained one or two millions of dollars from us, besides the encouragement to her wine trade. On the article of silks she is also gaining money from us in the same way, not by treaty, but by law. Our discriminating duties in favor of silks from this side the Cape of Good Hope, operate almost entirely in her favor. Our great supplies of silks are from France, England, and China. In ten years, and under the operation of this discriminating duty, our imports of French silks have risen from two millions of dollars per annum to six millions and a half; from England, they have risen from a quarter of a million to three quarters; from China, they have sunk from three millions and a quarter to one million, and a quarter. This discriminating duty has left between one and two millions of dollars in the pockets of Frenchmen, besides the encouragement to the silk manufacture and trade. Why, then, has she sent this squadron, to observe us first, and to strike us eventually? She knows our pacific disposition towards her, not only from our own words and actions, but from the official report of her own officers; from the very officer sent out last spring, in a brig, to carry back the recalled minister. Here is his report, made to the Minister of Marine, and communicated to the Chamber of Deputies in the month of April last. Listen to it, and see how fully it establishes, not only our pacific dispositions towards France, but the affection of our citizens for her, and the solici [JAN. 12, 1836. tude of our officers to honor her flag and gratify her feeling. "BREST, April 4, 1835. "I have the honor to inform you that the brig d'Assas sailed from New York on the 11th of March last, at the same time with the American packet ship Albany, in which M. Serurier and his family are returning to France, and arrived in the roads of Brest on the 14th of this month, after a passage of twenty-four days. I remained in the United States until the 11th of March, as the chargé d'affaires of France, at whose disposition your excellency placed me, did not wish to despatch me back until the rising of Congress, which took place on the 4th of that month. During my stay at New York, I found among the richest and best educated persons the greatest affection and sympathy for France; this they expressed to us by every possible attention and every delicate kindness which their hospitable dispositions could suggest. Half an hour after my leaving the East river, an American schooner of war, knowing the time at which I was to depart, got under sail; she crossed my way about a league from the place of anchorage, and when about two cables' length from us, she hoisted the French flag on her mizzen mast, and fired seven guns, which were immediately returned; she kept the tri-color flag flying as long as we were in sight. I then saw the American frigate Constitution, towed by two steamboats, on her way to New York; as soon as I crossed her, I saluted her commodore with thirteen guns, which he immediately returned, gun for gun." Mr. B., resuming, said this was the report made to the French Government by a French officer, after the rise of the last session of Congress, and after the departure of M. Serurier; and how was it received in the Chamber of Deputies, to which it was communicated? He (Mr. B.) would show one example of the manner in which it was received, and for that purpose would read a paragraph from the speech of the deputy M. de Rance. "Gentlemen, we should put on one side of the tribune the twenty-five millions, on the other the sword of France. When the Americans see this good long sword, this very long sword, gentlemen, (for it struck down every thing from Lisbon to Moscow,) they will perhaps recollect what it did for the independence of their country; they will, perhaps, too, reflect upon what it could do to support and avenge the honor and dignity of France, when outraged by an ungrateful people. [Cries of, well said!] Believe me, gentlemen, they would sooner touch your money than dare to touch your sword; and for your twenty-five millions they will bring you back the satisfactory receipt, which it is your duty to exact. [Great approbation from the extremities."] Another deputy, M. Fleury de Chabaulon, allowed himself to discourse thus: "The insult of President Jackson comes from himself only. This is more evident, from the refusal of the American Congress to concur with him in it. The French Chamber, by interfering, would render the affair more serious, and make its arrangement more difficult, and even dangerous. Let us put the case to ourselves. Suppose the United States had taken part with General Jackson, we should have had to demand satisfaction not from him, but from the United States; and instead of now talking about negotiation, we should have had to make appropriations for a war, and to intrust to our heroes of Navarino and Algiers the task of teaching the Americans that France knows the way to Washington as well as England." This was the language of the deputies, and it was thus received with applauses, and that six weeks after the rise of our Congress, which had shown itself pacific, and two weeks after the report of the captain of the brig |