fect, it has been prepared and sent forth to the world clothed in all the authority of a State-paper, and backed by the influence of the whole Federal Government. Its leading features may be found in the following summary :

That the Chief Magistrate of Georgia has been so wanting in duty to the General Government, as to be guilty of treasonable and seditious practices.

That he has used his office and authority to oppress an officer of the General Government, to wit, the Indian Agent of the Creek nation; and that, in conjunction with the Legislature, he has suborned witnesses to swear away the character of that officer.

That he has been the author of a civil war among the Indians, and all the horrors and murders of that event are justly chargeable to him.

That in conjunction with the Commissioners who negotiated the first Treaty, he has been guilty of corruption, bribery, and fraud; and that too practised upon an ignorant and unsuspecting people who had reposed in him their most unreserved confidence.

That, in fine, he is justly answerable for all the difficulties that have arisen between the State of Georgia and the General Government.

This is not all. The Report charges, besides other atrocious acts, the crime of perjury, and attempts to prove it, against the United States Commissioners, two of Georgia's most respectable citizens. It charges against other high and distinguished citizens of the State, the same infamous crime. Indeed it proclaims to the world that the Governor, Le gislature, and every public character of Georgia, who was in any manner connected with Indian affairs, have acted in the most profligate and abandoned manner, and are totally unworthy of all credit and belief. This is the character of a paper that twenty-three states have deliberately resolved shall be published to the world against a sister state. And will it be believed, that the immense mass of evidence intended and submitted to support these serious charges against a member of the union and her citizens, has been collected by petty agents, en secrete, without notice to the parties implicated, drawn from Indians, half-breeds, and renegade white men, worse than either? Will it be believed that this slanderous evidence was secretly collected by these agents for one purpose, while their mission was avowedly declared for another; thus not only withholding the benefit of a fair hearing, but deceiving the parties into a false security?

But admit for a moment that all these base charges are true; that they are supported by evidence of the most spotless and unquestionable character, and altogether worthy of credit; that it has been taken in the most fair and open manner,-has the General Government no higher respect for itself than to hold up one of its own members, heretofore occupying an elevated stand among her sister states, to public scorn and contempt. Who does not perceive the difference between punishing individuals, and blasting the reputation of a whole state? Any one who shall read this tissue of calumnies, unacquainted with the true state of the facts, and the lurking motives for their publication, must believe that the State of Georgia, in its government, is horridly corrupt and

abandoned; and that her public characters are little short of the most infamous banditti. He who reads and believes this book, must pronounce at once, that Georgia is no longer worthy of membership in the Federal Union and yet is there any man acquainted with Georgia, her government, and her citizens, and who has witnessed the character and talent of her representatives in Congress, prepared to credit such a monstrous defamation? Why, then, has this been done? What purpose has it answered? What effect can it have? What advantage to the Union? Can whole states be tried ?-and is this the manner of doing it? Is this to be the future method of impeaching them, to collect the most disgraceful facts, colour them in the highest possible degree with fraud and corruption, suggest the most odious practices, publish them to the world, and there let the matter rest, without the most remote prospect of a fair investigation? Are they to be recorded as infamous, and, without a trial, handed over to posterity as disgraced and degraded? If these are some of the ineffable benefits of the Union, Georgia will long have to deplore that she ever entered into such an ungenerous connection: and could she have foreseen that such a deliberate and unfeeling aspersion would have been fixed upon her character, does any one believe she would have ever sought that union? As I stated before, let individuals be punished, if they have violated any known law; but let the moral report of whole communities be sacred. States have characters as well as men, and there is something in the social and political reputation of a government, though it may be even a petty state government, that is extremely dear to it; and by every individual or society not lost to a sense of shame, not indifferent to the common decencies of life, not actuated by an unprincipled ambition, it would be held inviolable. If such a book had been published in Europe against one of the states, what, think you, would have been the feelings of all United America? Judging from the manner in which those sneers and little attacks already made in that quarter against merely the literary character of this country, have been received and treated, there would be one wide, deep, and thorough sense of resentment in every part of the union and yet, strange as it may seem, while the United States are repelling, with a just respect for themselves, every attempt to defame their moral or literary character-while they seem studious to establish a fame which shall entitle them to an equal rank with the other nations of the world, and particularly while they boast the freest and purest political institutions that perhaps ever existed, they are proclaiming to all nations by an official document published and disseminated throughout all her borders, that one of her members is debased as low as crime can carry her, and that her bosom is but a den of thieves. This fact must be the wonder of all future time. If Georgia shall be received, under this singular production, by foreign nations, as a fair sample of either the political intelligence, moral honesty, or republican purity of the American governments, and no one will pretend to say that Geor gia differs from the other states, God help the boasted, the patriotic and disinterested principles of Representative Republicks; away with all our self-devotion at July celebrations; away with all our constant and

stunning cries of exclusive political virtue, unequalled laws, rare patriot ism, high-minded honesty, and generous disinterestedness; these are but empty sounds, worse than mockery; for they will be considered as the very slime and spawn of the most detestable hypocrisy.

But let us turn from the aspect of this singular movement, considered as a suicidal attempt of the General Government upon its own reputation, and trace the motive, if we can, for a measure so peculiarly felicitous for every thing, but candour and truth. It is the misfortune of all governments, and the United States are about to add the last unhappy example to the truth of the remark, that they generally settle down into the belief they are formed for the exclusive benefit of their rulers. The General Government is different from all others in the world. It is formed of distinct independent states, who at one time had the right to govern themselves, and fondly believed they had reserved that privilege. They believed that the internal police and municipal regulations of their respective communities belonged to them; and that the protection of these communities, considered as a whole, belonged to the Federal Government. In this they have been deceived, and the delusion is fast hurrying them into irretrievable ruin. The General Government is tending, in all its operations, to one of unlimited power, and will be shortly without bounds. It is entirely national in all its concerns, and acting upon none of those subjects, such as the protection of life, personal liberty, property, and reputation which the people understand, and in which they are deeply interested; it cannot engage the warm and continued affection of the great mass of society for any signal benefits they feel or experience in their own persons. Understanding but few of its principles, and scarcely any of its details, often bewildered by the singular structure of its representative character, partly popular and partly federative, they think they discover a system, and such their experience will warrant, by no means dispensing universal and equal advantages, but where all is a struggle for office and power. It is true, the states, under their own wise frugal and simple governments, are prosperous; but they are weak enough to let the General Government claim the credit of it. It does not deserve this, honour. The Federal government is distracting the states; it is lending itself to particular parties, to particular sections, and to particular interests, with a view to promote the objects of private enterprise, or the personal views of men seeking its honours and its offices. Unfortunately, it is a government of officers with extravagant salaries, and but little to do. When it is remembered that the states perform all the duties of municipal governments, take care of the good order and peace of society, guard the morals, control the passions, and regulate the police of society for all the purposes known to other governments, we are naturally led to inquire what is left for the Federal Government; and pursuing this inquiry, we discover little else than long, expensive, and wrangling sessions of Congress, indulging in the most illiberal bickerings, bitter recriminations, and indeed, in all uncharitableness, ending in some few laws on the subject of claims, public lands, the army, the navy, commerce, and foreign relations; and these are never known to the great mass of society., If,

however, this were all, we should have little to complain of; for in their general tendency they may serve to promote the great object of the Federal institution, which is alone the protection of the States: but as I stated before, the General Government is a government of officers. Look at the different departments of the Executive branch of the government, with all their thousand clerks: the Judiciary department, with all its judges, attornies, clerks, and marshals: view the military in all its parts, the army, the schools, and the numerous dependants that belong to that establishment: consider the officers of the Navy, of the Postoffice establishment, of the Land department, collectors, registers, surveyors, inspectors, and all their clerks; of the Custom-house, whose servants are almost beyond enumeration; the Engineering department, and their hungry train; the Indian department, with all their greedy expectants. Besides these, that are fixed and permanent, there are hundreds of special agents, whose ostensible business is to perform some message or duty that could be readily discharged through the post-office or other department, but whose real object is to praise the powers that be, and to strengthen and widen their already dangerous influence.

Now, when it is remembered that all this devouring train live and have their being in ONE man alone, every one must perceive what an intense interest that high office must create in every part of the union. It is the life and only support of thousands. Hence it is the exclusive theme of conversation, of intrigue, and of low electioneering artifice from year to year among these anxious dependants, and their numerous friends; and when to this is added the high expectations and ardent feelings of the aspirants themselves for this princely station, and their anxious political adherents, there is no wonder that every effort is directed to the attainment of this grand prize; that all the measures of government look to the accomplishment of purposes connected with this great desideratum. Is any one astonished at the management, bargaining, nay, even corruption, which is employed to secure this, the greatest office in the world-one, compared with which, even kingly power becomes tame? Has not this been the consequence in every age and nation? Where is the history that furnishes a contrary example? Is not man the same in every country? Is there magic in the term Republican Government? Is there a charm in the Federal Constitution that will force men to be honest against the dictates of interest, and the urgency of inclination? And do we believe that because the framers of our government were wise and honest, that their latest posterity must be so too? Are we credulous enough to think that because we trust our principles and boast of our patriots, that there can be no unholy designs upon the emoluments and distinctions of our govern ment? Human folly has always been great; but a fond and rational hope may be indulged, that it has not yet reached so fatal a point in this country, as to blind our sober judgments against the true esti. mate of the private and political virtue of any statesmen, be they American or European.

Then, by a plain and obvious application of the foregoing principles, connected with the facts that will hereafter appear, this Report and its

ly menial, and his course so altogether servile, that I never could persuade myself he was a just subject for even a passing contempt. It seemed as if there was something due to a meanness that had been ac quired, perhaps more from necessity than inclination: and to disturb the quiet obscurity of the slave, while there was so much higher game in the open crime of his lord, was risking more than belonged to sober prudence, or would be justified by common charity. But it appears that I was mistaken in the nature of this man's principles. There is an active rancour in his composition, worthy the livery of his court; and although it might not rival the higher malice of his master, yet it was by no means calculated to disappoint his expectation. The service has therefore been undertaken and performed, and doubtless to full acceptance. If I felt the disposition, it does not accord with my present plan, to follow this slanderer through all his subtle windings. To pursue the track of his filthy deposits would seem to belong to another class of beings; and perhaps none other, than such as work in ordure, could withstand the undertaking.

It is principally upon this report, backed by that of John Crowell's, that Mr. Adams has relied to convict the public authorities of Georgia of every crime, from Treason downward; and these reports have been gravely submitted, not only to Congress, but to the world, upheld and propped by all the strength which either Executive or Legislative power could lend.

Those, who have not read these remarkable papers, will doubtless be greatly astonished to learn that their whole force, weight and authority depend upon the conviction of Col. Duncan G. Campbell and Maj. James Meriwether, late United States Commissioners, of the crime of wilful and corrupt perjury. Andrews, as if conscious that his statements can never have the effect desired, and which belonged to the deliberate plan of the administration, commences his diffident work with an open declaration that the above named gentlemen are not entitled to credit upon their oaths. And never has any one labored more to establish a proposition of any kind, than has this bandit of character to prove this infamous assertion. If then he has failed in this, if his first step be false, if his first premise be untrue, if his ground work totters, what becomes of all his superstructure? And who does not believe that he has completely failed, as must every other who attempts it, to destroy the character, for truth, of these worthy citizens? Is there a man in or out of Geergia, acquainted either with the person or character of these individuals, that will for a moment believe they would swear to a falsehood? Mr. Adams does not believe it; nay John Crowell does not believe it. It would be insulting the understanding as well as questioning the private and political virtue of this country, to attempt to vindicate the probity of men who have so long enjoyed, and so little abused the public confidence. Their private characters, their public services, the high trusts they have filled with credit to themselves and usefulness to their country, must and will protect them from this ruffian attack. When the people of Georgia shall have resolved to believe them capable of the crime of perjury, they will doubtless be aware that such a conviction carries with it

* See Meriwether's and Campbell's defence, at page 730, and 766 of the Report, but particularly the former, for a most triumphant refutation of Andrews's calumnies.