house? No; for a mere inquisitorial and vexatious procedure, which is, as no such purpose is avowed, to lay no foundation for impeachment, the only object which would justify the application of such means. Suppose it were proved that this letter was in fact written by gen. Turreau, and that all the other circumstances relating to it were true, which for himself he did not credit, what did it prove? Merely that an impertinent letter had been written by a foreign minister. Did the executive sanction it? No. What view the executive ought to take of such a letter, or how to treat it, depended on a variety of circumstances, on which this house had not the means to form an opinion. Mr. C. repeated the three requisites he had before stated as necessary to justify this enquiry. If gentlemen could show that a crime had been committed by the executive, of such a character as to make him amenable to the constitutional authority of this body, then and not till then would he consent to an enquiry which was equally a novelty in this house and in the history of legislation. The question on the adoption of the second resolution was decided in the negative, 60 to 100.

11. The next day Mr. Roberts, of Pennsylvania, moved a resolution, in exactly the same words as the original second resolution of Mr. Hanson, and which Mr. H. had withdrawn in favour of the one which had been yesterday rejected.

Mr. Hanson stated, as a reason for varying the form of his original motion to that which was yesterday debated, that new circumstance's had come into his possession not before known, which rendered it useless to send to the president. The subject would be consigned to the tomb of all the Capulets, buried for ever, if the proposed course was taken, as in a like case at last session. We ask for bread, and they give us a stone; we ask for information, and they give us an argument. The facts are all we want. Mr. H. then moved to amend the resolution, so as to read nearly as follows:

day of

Resolved, That this house will, on the next, receive evidence at the bar of the house, of the manner in which and time when a certain paper, &c. &c. was withdrawn, &c. and how and in what manner it came into the possession of a member of this house, &c."

Mr. Hanson's amendment was negatived, and Mr. Roberts' motion carried by a large majority.

The answer of the executive to these resolutions will be found among the "State Papers" in a subsequent part of this volume, p. 24] and 26]. The letter of Turreau alluded to will be found in an appendix to this volume. It first appeared in a paper printed at Georgetown, D. C., and was stated by the editors to be in Нн

VOL. III.

the handwriting of Mr. Graham, chief clerk in the department

of state.

On the 4th of February Mr. Hanson made another unavailing attempt to induce the house to receive testimony at the bar of the house relative to the manner in which the translation had come into his possession.

12. On the 3d of January, in the house of representatives, Mr. Webster, of New Hampshire, moved that the message received last session from the president, in answer to certain resolutions of the house relative to the repeal of the French decrees, be referred to the committee of foreign relations.

The resolution was agreed to, after being so modified as to refer the message to a committee of the whole.

The subject, however, was not again acted on, the house refusing to take it up, on motion of Mr. Webster, on the 2d of April, 37 to 75.

CHAPTER VI.

§ 1. Rejection of the Russian mediation. 2. Motion for papers relative to it. 3. Abstract of those documents. § 4. Motion for a suspension of military operations. § 5. Resignation of the speaker. § 6. Relations with France. §7. Organization of the navy department. § 8. Appropriations. 9. Adjournment of congress.

1. On the 6th of January, the president communicated to congress a letter from lord Castlereagh, stating the rejection of the Russian mediation by Great Britain, but offering to treat at London or Gottenburg.

2. A few days afterwards, in the house of representatives, Mr. Calhoun, of South Carolina, after observing that, as the president had informed the house the Russian mediation was at an end, there could be no objection to calling for papers relative to it, offered a resolution to the following effect, which was agreed to, nem. con.

Resolved, That the president of the United States be requested to lay before the house such documents in relation to the Russian mediation, as, in his opinion, it may not be inexpedient to communicate.

In compliance with this resolution, the president communicated a correspondence between Mr. Daschkoff, the Russian minister in the United States, with the American secretary of

state, and also a correspondence on the same subject between Mr. Adams, the American minister at Petersburg, and the American secretary.

3. From these documents it appears, that the emperor of Russia, having just concluded a treaty of peace with Great Britain, when the news of the American war arrived, " was much concerned and disappointed to find that the whole benefit which he expected his subjects would derive commercially from that event, defeated and lost" by this circumstance. Thinking, however, that he perceived "various indications that there was on both sides a reluctance at engaging in and prosecuting this war," "the emperor himself," as the chancellor count Romanzoff stated to Mr. Adams, conceived the idea of offering his mediation, under the impression, that an indirect negociation, "aided by the conciliatory wishes of a friend to both parties, might smooth down difficulties, which in direct discussion between the principals might be found insuperable. To a mutual friend, each party might exhibit all its claims, and all its complaints, without danger of exciting irritations or raising impediments. The part of Russia would only be to hear both sides, and to use her best endeavours to conciliate them."

Accordingly, the chancellor, in an interview which took place between him and the American minister on the 20th of September, inquired whether he was aware of any difficulty or obstacle on the part of the government of the United States, if the emperor should offer his mediation for the purpose of effecting a pacification.

To this question Mr. Adams replied, that it was obviously impossible for him to speak on this subject any otherwise than from the general knowledge which he had of the sentiments of his government; that he was so far from knowing what their ideas were with regard to the continuance of the war, that he had not to that day received any official communication of its declaration; but that he well knew it was with reluctance they engaged in the war; that he was very sure, whatever determination they might form upon the proposal of the emperor's mediation, they would receive and consider it as a new evidence of his majesty's regard and friendship for the United States; and that he was not aware of any obstacle or difficulty which would occasion them to decline accepting it.

Upon this assurance the chancellor said, that he should write to Mr. Daschkoff, and instruct him to make the proposition to the government of the United States, at the same time mentioning, that it had already been suggested by him to the British

1

ambassador lord Cathcart, who had the day before dispatched it by a messenger to his court.

This friendly offer of the emperor Alexander was accordingly made known to the American government by Mr. Daschkoff in the most courteous terms. After mentioning the regret of his imperial majesty at the shackles which this event is about to oppose to the commercial prosperity of nations, he observes: "The love of humanity and what he owes to his subjects, whose commerce had already sufficiently suffered, command him to do every thing in his power to remove the evils which this war is preparing even for those nations who will not take part in it;" adding, that "his majesty, who takes pleasure in doing justice to the wisdom of the government of the United States of America, is convinced that it has done all that it could to prevent this rupture." The offer of mediation is then formally made, in similar terms to those used by count Romanzoff at St. Petersburg.

The American secretary, in reply, states, that the president willingly accepts of the offered mediation, and pays some high compliments to the emperor Alexander for the friendly interest which his imperial majesty takes in the welfare of the United States.

The British government, meanwhile, had rejected the offered mediation, intimating, in terms of much politeness, that there was no sovereign whose mediation they should more readily accept than that of the emperor, but that their differences with the United States were of a nature involving principles of the internal government of the British nation, and which it was thought were not susceptible of being committed to the discussion of any mediation. The prince regent, however, is declared to be nevertheless ready to nominate plenipotentiaries to treat directly with those of America, at London, or, if that place should be objected to, at Gottenburg.

The sentiments of the prince regent were accordingly communicated to the American government by lord Castlereagh, with an assurance that the British government was actuated by an earnest desire for the adjustment of the differences subsisting between the two states, upon principles of perfect reciprocity, not inconsistent with the established maxims of public law, and with the maritime rights of the British empire, at the same time intimating that this business could not be mixed with the affairs of the continent of Europe.

This new proposition was immediately acceded to by the American government, and its readiness declared to treat on conditions of reciprocity consistent with the rights of both parties, as sovereign and independent nations; but it was remarked,

that the president had seen with regret the rejection of the mediation of the emperor by the prince regent, which could not, it was added, have been for the purpose of keeping the United States unconnected, against Great Britain, with any affairs of the continent, there being nothing in the proposed mediation tending to such a result, but merely an offer to bring the parties together, not as an umpire, but as a common friend.

In pursuance of the acceptance of the offer of Great Britain to treat at Gottenburg, John Quincy Adams, James A. Bayard (the commissioners appointed under the Russian mediation), Henry Clay, Jonathan Russell, and Albert Gallatin, were nominated to the senate; and being approved of, were appointed by the president as commissioners to proceed to Gottenburg to meet those appointed by the British government.

4. Shortly after the offer of the British government to treat was laid before congress, Mr. Gaston submitted the following resolution in the house of representatives:

Resolved, That pending the negociations with Great Britain, it is inexpedient to prosecute military operations against the Canadas for invasion or conquest.

The house refused to consider the resolution, 92 to 67.

5. In consequence of his appointment as minister to treat with Great Britain, Mr. Clay, on the 19th of January, resigned his station as speaker of the house of representatives, and Mr. Cheves, of South Carolina, was chosen in his place. After Mr. Clay left the chair, the following resolution was passed by the house, 144 to 9.

Resolved, That the thanks of this house be presented to Henry Clay, in testimony of their approbation of his conduct in the arduous and important duties assigned to him as speaker of this house.

6. On the 13th of April Mr. Gaston moved the following résolution :

Resolved, That the president of the United States be requested to communicate to this house any information in his possession touching our relations with France, which in his judgment it is not improper to disclose.

This motion having been modified, on the suggestion of Mr. Grundy, by the insertion of the words "not heretofore communicated," was agreed to without a division.

For the president's answer to this communication see the State Papers in a subsequent part of this volume, p. 109].

7. The two following resolutions were adopted by the senate, on the 18th of March, on motion of Mr. Gaillard: