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ters, contented to fulfil their master's injunctions, was confined to spiritual and moral doctrines; and that no system was established, either by them or by others, for the general intellectual improvement of the people. Presently rose the Roman Catholic Church, and grew into power and grandeur. And now, my brethren, I must assure you that I have no intention of speaking with any asperity of that church, or indeed of any other form of Christian worship. If there be any preacher who harbours hostile feelings against any church or sect from which he may differ, this, at least, is not the place to proclaim them. We stand here, ministers of Christ, not to exalt ourselves or to speak evil of others, but to teach you to teach you lessons, and to set you examples, not only of faith and obedience, but of humility, and forbearance, and charity. Presently, as I said, arose the Roman Catholic Church, with all her wonderful resources for good, or for evil. Now it is a great mistake to suppose, that she did by any means neglect the education of her children. Multitudes at all times from the higher classes, and latterly not a few from the lower classes also, received discipline and instruction in her schools; the former in her numerous and splendid universities, both in her monasteries. And at a later period still, after the Reformation, she added the order of Jesuits to the other instruments of her power; and sent forth a large, and learned, and very ingenious, and very zealous host of ecclesiastical instructors over the greater part of Christendom.

But in respect to the sort of instruction delivered by her various ministers and emissaries, it has been commonly said, as many of you are well aware, that the principal object of their teaching was to maintain the authority of their church, to propagate her peculiar doctrines and principles, rather than the pure spirit of the Gospel, to arm her priests with controversial skill, and to inculcate on her lay adherents the duties of obedience and submission.

The Protestant reformers maintained different principles; and some of their earliest efforts were directed

to a wider extension of the benefits of education. They perceived at once the strength which their cause would derive from the more general diffusion of light among the lower orders. They professed the largest and noblest views: that their only object in teaching the people, was to promote the interests of the people; to rescue the souls of millions from the destruction consequent on spiritual darkness; and, at the same time, to awaken their intelligence, to extend their knowledge, and to exercise their discernment, to the end that they might learn to distinguish evil from good, falsehood from truth, subtilty from wisdom, and thus become better subjects and better citizens, and fitter for any state of life to which it might please God to call them.

Now these, my brethren, are the rational, intelligible, attainable ends of education. These are the results at which we, after so long an interval, are still aiming. to which we are indeed now approaching, but which we do not yet by any means grasp. Let us then proclaim honour to the memories of the men who propounded those principles. If they were unable to carry them into full effect, neither have their successors, after the lapse of three centuries, achieved that glory. They served their own generation well, as far as power was given them from above; and when they announced their holy purpose when into the midst of so much darkness, they cast even the sparks of an unquenchable light-when they claimed a new privilege for the poor, and thus imposed a new duty on those who rule the poor, they served not their own generation only, but all those who have followed them, even unto us; ay, and all those who shall follow us, when we shall be gathered to our fathers.

During the two centuries which immediately followed the Reformation, there was a considerable progress in intelligence and knowledge; and that, not in the Protestant countries only, but also among some of their religious rivals. Some new institutions were established. Several discoveries were made in art and in science, in physics and in metaphysics; and these advances may

perhaps have been faintly felt even in the lowest ranks of society. But no public effort on any large scale had yet been made in any country for the education of the humbler classes. Something was effected by the exertions of the clergy, something by the beneficent application of private wealth. But the result was insignificant compared with the immensity of the object. Race succeeded race without any material advance in information or intelligence. Long and sanguinary wars impeded the progress of civilisation and humanity; and the detested thirst of conquest diverted the thoughts of princes from the improvement of their subjects. It was not yet acknowledged to be the duty of the government to make any provision for the instruction of the people. It was not yet discovered that such provision was equally for the interest both of government and of people. It was not yet suspected that the claim of the lower classes to receive education at the hands of their rulers, would presently be recognised as a right—a right as substantial, and in the end as valuable, as the right to general protection, or to impartial justice.

But

It was not till the year 1736 that this doctrine was proclaimed (and not then in its broadest signification) by any European government. It was then proclaimed by Prussia. And this, my brethren, was a signal for the commencement of a gradual and silent revolution in the history of man, which, though a century has since elapsed, and though it has borne some useful fruits, is in truth scarcely advanced beyond its commencement now. its final prevalence is certain. Year by year with sure, though tacit, steps it is advancing; and it will operate with still augmented force through the ages which are to come. It will operate every where in regions now desolate and barbarous-and it will operate every where for good. It will elevate the character of man, it will enlarge his philanthropy, it will amend his morals, it will purify his religion, and it will teach him — if, indeed, any human agency can teach that lesson-that the true glory and grandeur of nations are to be found-not in the accumulation of provinces through deeds of blood,

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but in the rivalries of commerce, and in the conquests of peace.

I will not weary your attention by any particulars as to the efforts made from time to time by the continental states to pursue the path thus traced out for them. In succession almost all adopted the principle, and applied it, with more or less efficacy, to their respective circumstances. And it is a truth of which we, as a nation, have no reason to be proud, that in this race of rational philanthropy we were among the last. Yet there are causes which, in some degree, excuse our tardiness. For many years much private benevolence, on the parts of both the clergy and the laity, had been directed to the better education of the poor. Some powerful associations had been formed for that purpose, especially those two great societies, which, by God's blessing, still exist and flourish. There prevails, besides, in this country a jealousy, founded on sound principles, but sometimes carried beyond reason, of any uninvited interference by the rulers with the voluntary enterprize or benevolence of the subject. And thus was this field left entirely to the spontaneous exertions of charity. But the task was far too hard for them; they had no power to illuminate so dense a mass of darkness. The abject ignorance and consequent immorality of the lowest classes were every day exposed and acknowledged. We were becoming a mark for the reproaches of our neighbours, and it was time that we should cease to deserve them. And even now we shall do well to implore that Almighty Being, whom by our neglect we have thus justly offended, that he will not impute it to us as a nation, nor visit us with any signal calamity, but rather inspire our hearts to make amends ere it be too late, by redoubled energy and zeal, for the sinful delinquency of the past.

And now, my brethren, we are come to that period in this hasty retrospect, which is within the recollection of us all. No one can have forgotten the time or the circumstances in which the government of the country ventured at length to adopt this question, and

called upon the nation to make some contribution towards the education of its poorest and most helpless classes. You remember how small was the contribution proposed-little more than an acknowledgment of the principle, already recognised by all other civilised countries, and of which the recognition was at least as essential to the honour and security of this. Yet I need not remind you what a storm of opposition this proposal encountered! What thronged assemblies! what declamations! what denunciations! From the senate, from the press, even from the pulpit, issued the expression of vehement condemnation. Men of learning, of rank, of reputation, of piety, swelled the clamour; and it appeared at first sight as if a powerful party in this country had resolved, under certain specious pretences, to consign the poorer classes, without sympathy or mercy, to perpetual ignorance and degradation. But this was not so.

Now that we look back with calmness on that outbreak, we perceive that it proceeded in a great measure from misapprehension. Many who ought to have reflected more deeply, or at least examined more accurately, imagined that some covert injury to particular interests was intended by that project. In many, a religious, if I should not rather call it a sectarian, jealousy was awakened by it. They thought they perceived in it some design to subvert their own peculiar form of worship, and to give undue advantages to rival forms. And some, no doubt, did sincerely believe, that religion itself was endangered by the scheme, and that this proposed a system of universal secular instruction, which would lead to universal infidelity. It was from these causes, and others such as these, that all this opposition proceeded-not from any deliberate objection, among the better part of those who raised it, to the general diffusion of moral and intellectual education founded on a religious basis, but from an erroneous notion, that some other education than this was intended. And thus it proved, that those statesmen, who were really sowing good seed,

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