maritime defences, to guard our western frontier more effectually against the Indian scalping-knife; to prevent our enemies from procuring cotton lands to make them independent of us, and girting us around, from the Rocky Mountains to Halifax, Bermuda and Cuba, excluding Texas and Oregon whenever a cloud of war darkens the horizon; to open to our views new sugar-fields and markets, our vessels new rivers and harbors, because, perchance, it might change the balance of power in favor of the agricultural States on the south and west, or thwart the machinations for more extended empire and power of that ancient oppressor, whose wrath they so constantly dread, and whose arrogance they have so often truckled to. Let not the hazard of war with Mexico be interposed as an assurance. To say that a peaceful annexation would rightfully expose us to a war, or that, by pursuing our national duties and interests, through amicable negotiation with a friendly independent power, like Texas, we become liable to the just censure of the world, is to say that the talk of our fathers, about the right of selfgovernment, was mere blarney. It is to hold, under a government and under a constitution which rest on the great principle of justifiable resistance to oppression, that such resistance is unholy till the oppressor himself approves it. It is to commit national suicide,- to belie our own example, to cast a foul censure on our fathers, and to repudiate the whole American system of politics, Mexican as well as Texian and of the United States, under the obsolete dogmas of the Old World and its Holy Alliances of despots. The resolve, therefore, of the Baltimore Convention in favor of Texas and Oregon, and the pledges of our candidates to re-annex the first as soon as practicable, are truly American; nor let the childish attempt prevail to frighten us from a maintenance of our just national rights and natural independence, by the cry that we thus violate any treaty obligation with Mexico. Did we ever engage, by treaty with Mexico, never to buy Texas, or never to unite in government with her after becoming independent, or never, in that event, to protect her against barbarous and unjust oppressions? As well might the Hartford Convention have opposed the war with England, in 1812, as a violation of our solemn treaty of peace with her in 1783. No treaties bind nations to endure wrongs, or to submit to what is in contravention with national law. Nor will the opinions and policy of our candidates as to Texas tend to an increase of slavery. On the contrary, it adds not one to those before within the limits of the two countries. It would more effectually, by our increased navy, prevent importation of slaves there from abroad. It would transfer them further north to more congenial and to healthy climates, and hasten the wise and gradual abolition of slavery, by some generations, in those States nearest to the Potomac, who will thus surest and easiest get rid in safety of their present burdens, and, like ourselves fifty years ago, become emancipated from so great an evil. If the English ministry, and the World's Convention in London, in their abolition fanaticism, looked a little more at home to mitigate debasing and miserable servitude, it might be quite as well for the cause of humanity; for so grossly is it outraged still in their very midst, that a whig periodical among us (North American Review for July, 1844) says: "We may affirm that the condition of the galley-slaves in France, or of the blacks in Cuba and the Carolinas, compared with that of English children immured in coalmines, is like the contrast of Elysium with Tartarus." Without any thirst for aggrandizement, then, or any attachment to scenes of war, or disregard of the solemn obligations of treaties, or desire to enlarge the number of our slave population, but the reverse of all of them, let us despise every groundless taunt on such topics, and, as soon as practicable, by the election of men friendly to the annexation of Texas, crowd onward the great destinies which Providence seems to have marked out for our republic. While we are scrupulous to do no injustice to others, let us be equally careful not to neglect our own public duties, and not to bring contempt and dishonor on our common country by a timorous and vacillating policy. In this way, there need be no limits to our Union, but the growth of general education, sound morals, and intelligent liberty. "Wide as our free race increase, Wide shall extend the elastic chain, State after State, a mighty train." My fellow-citizens, I must now close these hasty remarks, and make way for others more useful and entertaining. But, in doing it, let me conjure you, between this and November, not to be led off the true points in the canvass by any false or feigned issues, like those I first alluded to. The eyes and hearts of sober-minded men, like you, will look higher, and dwell on considerations like these: whether the cause of independence and self-government by a majority shall prevail, or the Divine right of a few to rule the many; whether those who hold our delegated trusts shall not be made amenable to us by instructions, and a strict adherence to granted powers, rather than enlarge them by broad constructions to cover every species of encroachment. In fine, whether the people shall rule, or their servants, and the policy of the country be shaped by ourselves, or by the puppets to Sir Robert Peel or Louis Philippe; whether your government shall continue to be administered on the principles of Jefferson, Madison and Washington, or dangerous novelties be introduced, like the distribution of the public lands and the assumption of State debts those fatal omens of discord and disunion; whether trade shall be left free, industry unshackled, rights equal, and your youthful empire of democracy bounding onward in its own energies, over Oregon and Texas, to the Pacific, or all be cramped up, chained, hedged, emasculated, mildewed, and all be paralyzed, and at a dead halt, or be limping along like the fettered despotisms of the Old World. This may be considered plain language. The times demand it. You are a wronged people; your interests will not be dealt fairly by and protected equally, unless you act in earnest; you are too intelligent to be deluded longer. Tell the aspirants to power what you want, and what, by God's blessing, you will have,-equal rights, equal protection, equal laws. The whole canvass must be bold and searching, though just. You must be faithful, as well as fearless; and not, like some cringing menials of power, see either a handsaw or a whale in the clouds, as is supposed will best suit the wishes of a superior and officer, or as cliques may dictate. Nor do you want any neutrals in contests like this. For, where such vast interests are at stake, it is disgraceful not only to blow hot and cold, but to try to escape responsibility, by being neither whig nor democrat, Clay nor Polk, but an insipid "nothingarian." On the contrary, the whole country looks to you to be firm as Agamenticus on his rocky base near us, and to dare to do your duty, whatever obstacles may interpose. In such a cause, can any hesitate to stand forth and swell the ranks of that party which our fathers founded, and under whose administration of public affairs Providence so long blessed our country at home and abroad? Believe me, such leaders as Polk and Dallas will be its standard-bearers to victory, if we are only united in action, vigilant and prompt at the post of duty. *Last price-current in England would make the duty near 100 per cent. † All these are subject to 10 per cent. higher duty in certain foreign vessels this side of Cape of Good Hope, and 20 per cent. the other side, if not teas. When price low, and lower if price high. C. [No. 3.] List of articles in this bill yielding most revenue. Secretary Forward's report, No. 209, gives the quantity of imports in 1840, prices, and duty now proposed, and amount from it. The whole revenue, gross, is about 32 millions of dollars, and net 27 millions of dollars; by it the average rate of duty is about 35 to 36 per cent. on 93 millions of imports not free. 1. Silks yield by it near, 2. Sugar, 3. Teas, 4. Coffee, $4,000,000 | 11. Spices (pepper, one-half), $750,000 600,000 18. Tobacco, manufactured, 8. Cottons, 1,500,000 1,200,000 8 articles, 500,000 500,000 500,000 500,000 300,000 250,000 200,000 3,500,000 22,000,000 $25,500,000 NOTE. The chief changes from his plan in these articles are in tea, coffee, and salt. The product from the first two, by the bill, will be near a million less, and from salt about one-seventh of a million less. The aggregate of the first ten articles would then be about $20,700,000; and of the whole, about $23,700,000. Silks will not yield, in fact, one-half as much, because most have been free, and we shall make more now. Sugars will not be as much, because we make more, and from Indian corn, and consume less when higher, as in England. So molasses. So make more iron. Spirits. Import less, as higher duty, and make more at home, and consume less in temperance times. Linen, tea, and coffee- All will be less used, as have been free; other articles will be substituted. D. [No. 4.] List of English articles yielding most revenue, Among the witnesses examined before the committee was John M'Gregor, Esq., one of the joint secretaries of the board of trade. He stated that the ten leading articles, which produced £20,502,666 revenue in 1839, were: |