ment would willingly be represented in the proposed Congress, yet it would be proper that the points upon which the discussions would turn should be known precisely. The answers to this declaration were by no means precise, but they were such as with other circumstances to induce the President to bring the matter before Congress, and to propose the appointment of the commissioners, which he accordingly did on the 25th of December, 1825.

The proposition to send Ministers to Panama, was seriously opposed in both Houses of Congress, on the grounds, that would involve the United States in foreign alliances, so as to prevent them from acting exclusively for the advancement of their own interest, and for other reasons equally just and proper, which we have no space for relating. After a series of long and stormy discussions, it was at length decided, on the 21st of April, 1826, by a strong vote in the House of Representatives that Ministers ought to be sent to the Congress of Panama; and, accordingly, Mr. Richard Anderson, the Envoy of the United States in Colombia, and Mr. John Sergeant, of Philadelphia, were appointed for the purpose. Mr. Anderson died on his way to the place of meeting, and Mr. Sergeant deferred his departure from the United States on account of the unhealthiness of the season, until the Congress was terminated.

The Representatives of Peru, Mexico, Central America, and Colombia, met at Panama, on the 22d of June, 1826, agents being also present from the Governments of Great Britain and the Netherlands; and, on the 15th of July, they produced treaties of friendship and perpetual confederation, offensive and defensive, to which all other American Powers might accede. They then separated, having agreed previously to meet at Tacubaya, near Mexico, in February, 1827. The treaties concluded at Panama were not ratified; no Congress was convened at Tacubaya, and the opinions of those who considered the plan chimerical were confirmed.

In 1825, Mr. Poinsett was accredited as Minister Plenipotentiary of the United States near the Mexican Government, and was received in such capacity in June of that year. About the same time, Mr. Ward arrived as Envoy from Great Britain, and Mexico was thus publicly recognised by the two Powers with which it was most important for her to enter into amicable relations. A treaty of amity commerce and navigation was concluded without delay, between Mr. Ward and the Mexican Minister of Relations, it was not, however, ratified by the British Government until considerable changes had been made in its provisions. Mr. Poinsett had also been charged to negotiate a treaty of amity, commerce, navigation, and limits between his country and Mexico; with regard to limits, he was, if necessary, to recognise as subsisting, those which had been settled with Spain, on the 22d of February, 1819, when Florida became part of the United States; he was, however, if possible, to obtain a new line of division between the territories of the two Republics, westward of that agreed on with Spain, so as to give to his own country the extensive tract called Texas.

The Mexican Government, however, did not seem inclined to assent to either of these propositions; although it had previously expressed through its Minister at Washington, the desire that the provisions of the treaty of 1819, should be extended to Mexico. The Minister of Relations, Don Lucas Alaman, an acute and dexterous politician, after many manœuvres, at length declared, that it would be better to have the region intervening between the acknowledged possessions of the two nations examined, before any determination should be made as to boundaries; in the mean time, he was ready to treat upon the other subjects which it was material to have settled. To this Mr. Poinsett reluctantly agreed, and accordingly a treaty of amity, commerce, and navigation between Mexico and the United States was signed by the two Plenipotentiaries, on the 10th of July, 1826. This treaty was, however, not ratified by the Senate of the United States, nor acted on by the General Legislature of Mexico; and the latter body, even resolved, on the 2d of April, 1827, that it would not take into consideration any treaty with the United States, unless a provision should be inserted in it, confirming the boundary between the two Republics, as settled in 1819. Now,

as the United States had never refused to confirm that boundary, and Mexico had insisted upon an examination (which was never made) of the territory, in order to fix a new one, this resolution seems to have been at least unnecessary, and may perhaps be qualified as frivolous. Possibly, it may have been intended, to accelerate the movements of the Mexican Executive upon the subject.

Mr. Poinsett was then instructed by his Government, on the 15th of March, 1827, to propose to purchase the desired tract of territory from Mexico, so as to fix the western boundary of the United States on the river Colorado, or even on the Rio del Norte; but this proposal was rejected by the Mexicans, and years passed on without any determination either of the limits, or of the rules and principles by which the intercourse between the two Republics was to be conducted, although this intercourse was daily increasing. Meanwhile, grants of land in Texas, were daily made to individuals, natives of the United States, and of other countries, as well as Mexicans, and a population was rising in that region, essentially foreign to Mexico in language, habits, and religion. From Great Britain, Mexico received a vast amount of capital, which was expended in almost every instance, fruitlessly, in attempts to work new silver mines, or to restore to use those which had been abandoned; the mining operations were, however, much improved and the proportion of the precious metal obtained has been much greater since than before the separation from Spain.

During the administration of Guadeloupe Victoria, little was done to bring Mexico to that state of quiet and security, so indispensable for the happiness and advancement of a country. The finances were badly administered, and peculation was openly practised in every direction. The President and Vice President, as before stated, were enemies, the latter headed the opposition, and actually, on one occasion in January, 1828, appeared at the head of forces in insurrection against the constituted authorities, he was, however, on this occasion, defeated and made prisoner by Guerrero. Independently of the evils arising from the personal ambition of various individuals, there were strong parties, at war with each other upon material points of government. One party wished to maintain the privileges of the aristocracy and the clergy, and for that purpose was desirous of seeing established a central system of government; the other, a democratic party, wished to reduce these privileges, and to maintain the Federal Constitution. By the exertions of the latter, a law was passed in 1826, putting an end to all titles of nobility, and restricting parents, with regard to the distribution of their property among their children. Another question, which strongly agitated the people, was, whether the Spaniards should be allowed to remain in the Republic or not; by the influence of the same party, the expulsion of this class of the population was effected, in virtue of a decree, passed on the 8th of March, 1828.

The affairs of the State also became involved with Masonry, which produced as much evil in Mexico as it appeared once to threaten in our own country. Those who are adepts in Masonry, know that there exists a schism in the masonic world on the subject of rites, ceremonies, and opinions; one party adhering to those of the Scotch Lodge, (the word lodge is here used collectively,) the other submitting to the rules of York; the lodges in the United States are all constituted upon the York principles. Masonic societies, professing the Scotch rites, had existed in Mexico for some time previous to the extinction of the Spanish authority, and during the wars of the revolution they had afforded facilities for the propagation of plans of insurrection, and of other information among the people. On the establishment of the Republic, these societies were filled chiefly with persons professing aristocratic principles of government; they were used as the means of combining operations for the maintenance of such principles, and were accordingly favored by the Representatives of Great Britain, which was then by no means anxious for the extension of the republican system throughout America. The Grand Master of the Scotch masons was General Bravo, who was for some time their favorite candidate for the Presidency; they had endeavoured to raise him to that station at the first election, and are supposed to have been the advisers of his insurrection in 1828, which terminated so

unfortunately for him. There were, however, some York Lodges in Mexico, the members of which were attached to democratic forms of government, and acted politically in opposition to the Scotch; thus, the two great parties in Mexico received the names of Escoceses or Scotch, corresponding as to the political opinions professed, with the English Tories, and Yorkinos or Yorkists, whose views nearly resembled those of the Whigs in Great Britain.

As soon as Mr. Foinsett arrived in Mexico, he was solicited by several eminent members of the Government and others, to obtain from the United States, a charter for the establishment of a Grand York Lodge in that city; he complied, and accordingly procured such a charter from De Witt Clinton, at that time the Commander of the Faithful in Masonry, throughout a large portion of the United States. This circumstance, together with the republican opinions, which Mr. Poinsett did not hesitate to avow-and which we hope no American diplomatist will ever shrink from declaring excited against him the animosity of the Escoceses, and rendered them anxious to free Mexico from the presence of one, the influence of whose character, could not but be injurious to the success of their plans. They accordingly employed every means to misrepresent his views and proceedings, accusing him alternately, as circumstances rendered the charges most convenient for their ends, of a desire to overthrow the religion of the country, and to annex it to the United States, of favoring or opposing the expulsion of the Spaniards, and of other designs equally at variance with his character and his manifest intentions. In order to avoid giving any color to these accusations, the Minister of the United States, sedulously abstained from all connection with the Masonic lodges, and endeavoured as far as possible, to escape being called on, as he however frequently was, to pass his judgment on proposed political plans and movements.

In 1828, the second election for President and Vice President of Mexico was to be held. The Escoceses failing in their plan to have their Grand Master Bravo elected, put forward the Minister of War, General Gomez Pedraza, a man of strong character and capacity, much disliked, however, in the army, on account of his arbitrary principles. The candidate of the Yorkinos was General Vincent Guerrero, the persevering Indian Chief, who had just defeated and taken Bravo, who had never bent to the threats or bribes of the Spaniards, and had never despaired of the independence of his country; bold, honest, and frank, but weak and illiterate, he was much better qualified for conducting a rapid march through a region occupied by enemies, than for counteracting intrigues, and devising measures for the recovery of the finances and for the pacification of a troubled country. The election was held in September, and the result was that Pedraza was chosen by a small majority over Guerrero. The announcement created great satisfaction on the one hand, and a corresponding disappointment on the other. Scarcely was it made known ere an insurrection broke

out.

The ever restless General Santa Anne, on account of some disturbances which he had fomented or abetted, had been removed from his command at Vera Cruz, and taken up his residence at Jalapa. Here considering the election of Pedraza as offering a good opportunity for an insurrection, he prevailed on the troops to join him, and, on the 10th of September, 1828, followed by a large body of men, he suddenly left Jalapa, and marched upon the fortress of Perote, situated thirty miles distant on the road to Mexico. Having obtained possession of this fortress, and of a large amount of public money, he declared himself Commander of the Liberating Army, and proposed his Plan for the reform of the Government, which is known in Mexican history as the Plan of Perote. By the terms of this plan, the election of Pedraza was pronounced fraudulent, and the Legislature was required to make a new choice.

We have already, while speaking of Iturbide's proceedings, shown, what is meant in Mexico by a Plan. There are, however, some other terms with which it is necessary to be acquainted, in order to understand the history of party in that country. Whenever a set of people in Mexico become dissatisfied from any common cause, or from mere want of

President Victoria immediately declared Santa Anna an outlaw, and sent forces against him under Generals Calderon and Rincon, by whom he was at least kept at bay. In the capital, however, was a strong party in favor of this plan of Perote, headed by Lorenzo de Zavala, the Governor of Mexico, a man of influence, talent, and honesty, and possessing sufficient firmness for his support, in the trying scenes to which he was exposed. The Government which was in favor of Pedraza, suspecting Zavala to be engaged against him, ordered his arrest, but he escaped to the mountains, and joining other friends, they planned a scheme of resistance. It was carried into effect on the 30th of November, 1828, when a body of soldiery seized a large building, called the Acordada, opposite the Alameda or public gardens of the capital, and took possession of the arms stored there. The excuse for this movement, was to have the Spaniards expelled; but this was soon forgotten, in the general cry of Long live Guerrero. That chief appeared and headed the troops and people; nearly all the foreigners except the members of the American legation quitted the city, and for three days Mexico was the scene of combats and plunder. A party of the mob attacked the house of Mr. Poinsett, who was accused of protecting some Spaniards; he, however, advanced on the balcony, unfolded the star-spangled banner of his country, and the tigers were at once charmed into submission, as more fully related in another part of the present number.

The result of this movement was the triumph of the Yorkino party; a new election took place in which Guerrero was chosen President, and Don Anastasio Bustamente, Vice President, Pedraza being sent in exile to the United States. Victoria retired into private life, and the new chiefs of the State entered upon their respective duties on the 1st of April, 1829. Santa Anna, after having been nearly forced to surrender to Calderon at Oaxaca, was himself placed at the head of the very army, which had opposed him, and reappointed to his government of Vera Cruz.

Mr. Poinsett, after these proceedings, was more than ever exposed to the hatred of the defeated party; while, on the other hand, those who succeeded, did not venture openly to express their satisfaction with him. He was libelled in the public prints, accused of crimes, attacked in the General and in the State Legislatures, and threatened both publicly and privately. In answer to the Legislature of Vera Cruz, which had passed a resolution expressive of a wish that he should quit Mexico, he replied by a pamphlet showing conclusively, the falsehood of the ground there assumed, as well as the ingratitude and the policy of the proceedings of that country towards the United States. At length finding that his power of being useful to his own country was nearly destroyed, he was, in 1829, at his own request, relieved by President Jackson from his official duties, and succeeded by Mr. Anthony Butler, as Chargé d'Affaires.

The writer of these pages is happy to be able to add, as the result of personal observation and inquiries, that Mr. Poinsett retained the esteem of the most respectable persons in Mexico, and that he is still remembered with kind feelings by many who, actuated by the spirit of party, were among his most violent opponents.

excitement, they begin by uttering complaints and imprecations against the existing form of government, or its members, mingled with praises of some other system or persons; this, the first stage of a revolution, is termed a Grito. If the grito continues unchecked for some days, a public meeting is held, in which the grievances and modes of redress are discussed, and arrangements are made for expressing them more clearly; this second stage is called a Pronunciamento. Then comes the Plan always bearing the name of the place at which it was concluded. Every large city in Mexico has had its plan; in more than one instance the garrison of a little post, headed by a sergeant, has issued its propositions for a change of government, accompanied by the resolutions of the framers, to die in its support.

THE MARTYRDOM OF CILLEY.

THE late appalling tragedy which has been enacted at the seat of our Government, before the eyes of the nation, possesses a public character, which not only brings it properly within the scope of the cognizance of this Review, but imposes it upon us as a duty the neglect of which would be criminal, to draw from it, and place in a distinct light before the public eye, that high political moral of which it presents so instructive though so fearful an illustration. It has such a connection with past events, through a long continued series, and such a bearing upon the future, if the moral which it teaches shall duly sink into the public mind, as constitute a point of view even superior in importance to the general question of the morality of the practice of duelling. We will therefore approach the theme, though it contains so much that we shrink from with pain and disgust, in a solemn spirit of truth and of judgment, to analyze the principles, whether of good or evil, which it involves; and, in pronouncing upon the parts borne by parties yet within the reach of the doom of Public Opinion, to embody, and record, even as a handwriting upon the wall, that verdict of public sentiment which, springing spontaneously and unanimously from the moral sense of all society, without distinction of classes or parties, may without presumption be called the Voice of God arising out of the depths of the human heart.

In the performance of this latter part of the duty which we recognize as incumbent upon us, as a constituent portion of the Press, we shall be animated by no single pulse of hostility towards any individual, even when most deeply moved by the righteous indignation and the abhorrent disgust, which the contemplation of bad principle and malignant motive, tending to and thirsting for human blood, necessarily excites in every mind.

A great crime has been committed. Fierce demons of human passions have been abroad, in the light of the sun and before the eyes of men, and have lapped from the ground the innocent blood which they have nerved human hands to shed. The deed done, they have shrunk back into the dark recesses of the hearts which they have made their home, and leave the minds of men appalled, stunned, and sickened, as from immediate contact with an Evil Presence. But, crime having been perpetrated, retribution must follow; and the accomplishment of the doom of social justice upon the guilty can alone dispel that fearful pall of crimson, which seems to have arisen like a vapor out of the earth from the scene of blood, and to darken the whole moral atmosphere through which we move. The tribunal by which that doom is to be awarded and inflicted is Public Opinion. The affair appears not to be within the reach of any other. Nor could any other inflict a punishment commensurate with the crime. This alone can, as it most assuredly will, satisfy the call for justice which now cries from the ground stained with the life-blood of Cilley.

We see in this dreadful catastrophe the natural fruit of that bitter and ferocious spirit of party, which has of late years made its way into our political contests. No person has done more to create and foster this, than the wretched individual who has enacted the principal part in this drama of death-we refer by this expression, not to the weak-minded and unhappy man who drew the fatal trigger, but to the hand which held and directed that comparatively innocent and passive will. It has, in fact, long been apparent that some terrible catastrophe or other of this nature was gradually approaching, such as should exorcise, by one dreadful shock, that fell spirit of malignity-malignity even unto the shedding of blood-which has arisen in the midst of our highest arena of opinion. In the dispassionate reflection upon which