We have frankly to confess, that the artist has been by no means happy in the expression of countenance which he has given to his sketch. Though a faithful resemblance in point of feature, he has converted the expression of grave dignity, which belongs to Mr. Rives in serious moments, into a harshness and even moroseness of expression, equally foreign to Mr. Rives' countenance and character; thus producing an effect which we were unwilling to allow to go before the public without this correction.

We are induced to postpone, to a future occasion, a more extended notice of the career, character, and style of eloquence of the subject of the opposite sketch, in the expectation of having then at our disposal a variety of material for the purpose, of a highly interesting nature, including unpublished letters of Jefferson, Madison, and other shining lights of American Democracy.

TO-MORROW.

TRANSLATION FROM MARTIAL.

Cras te victurum, cras, dicis, Postume, semper, &c.

To-morrow he will live, Lorenzo swears,
Quite a new life-and hath so sworn for years.
Tell me, Lorenzo, when will come this day,
Thou call'st to-morrow? Is't still distant?-Say,
Where is it? and how is it to be got?
What is the price at which it may be bought?
Will it by Parry at the pole be found?

Or brought to light by Symmes from under ground?
To-morrow, did'st thou say, Lorenzo? why,

Is that a day that hath not yet gone by?

'Twas known before the flood,-its years outweigh
E'en those of Nestor or Methuseleh.

To-morrow thou wilt live! to-day is quite

Too late-He who lived yesterday, did right!

F. S. K.

THE NEW YORK ELECTION.

When engaged in the midst of a violent moral struggle of hostile principles and parties, spreading over a widely extended field, diversified with various local peculiarities, if we would form a clear idea of its general aspect and tendency, we must ascend to the eminence of original principles, above the tumult and clamor of factious interests. There alone, looking calmly abroad and around, can we rightly estimate the character and consequences of each particular event in the general contest.

The Democratic party has certainly had to sustain some severe shocks of partial defeat within a recent period,—and especially on one of the apparently strongest points of its position. The New York Election was, unquestionably, a severe blow-an unkind cutthough, far from destroying, it did not even stun. We have no disposition to extenuate the fact. But there is another fact, still more important than that event itself,-the effect which it has produced upon the Democratic party,-the spirit which it has aroused-instantly-simultaneously--universally-as though at some sudden and irresistible signal. We have seen the party which had just sustained a severe and unexpected overthrow, instead of being cast down, bearing as proud and serene a front, as in its accustomed hours of victory, instead of being disheartened, inspirited to a higher degree of confidence in its principles and cause,-instead of being frightened from the object towards which its efforts were tending, deriving, from its very overthrow, both a double stimulus, and a double reason, to persevere resolutely forward, with the calm energy of conviction of right and consciousness of purity of motive, to its accomplishment -deferred only to be made more certain. This is a spectacle not often witnessed, and, when presented, always the surest possible augury of approaching triumph. This fine spirit, shared by all alike,—from the leaders, elevated to the highest stations by the confidence of their country, to the most obscure ranks of a party which emphatically prides itself on resting upon the affections of the mass of the people, this spirit of energetic determination, of consciousness of strength, and confidence, both in the great principles at stake, and in their necessary ultimate ascendency, tells the whole moral of the struggle in which the Democratic party is engaged, with such force, as ought to make its opponents despair in the midst of their rejoicing. The remark that was made immediately after the reception of the intelligence of that overthrow, by a very emi

nent authority,—that if a doubt had existed before, as to the success of the attempt to disconnect the Government from the banking power, it was now removed,'-has been responded to by the spontaneous expressions of a similar sentiment from every quarter.

What is the cause of this very singular fact?-for that it is a fact, will scarcely be disputed, however different may be the inferences drawn from it. The Opposition hailed the announcement of this event, as of the certain death-blow of the present Democratic ascendency,

The knell of the dead below,

Or the living that shortly shall be so.

That the President's native State, in which the Republican ascendency, established from of old, appeared to have reached its highest point of majority but one short year ago, should have been swept over by such a storm of revolution, seemed, indeed, to superficial observers, such an evidence of total political annihilation to his party and policy, as might well, for very exultation and joy, turn the heads of those who had so long languished in the cold region of hopeless minority, and yet its sole effect upon the defeated party, and its leaders, has been seen to be, to increase their confidence, and stimulate them to a higher courage and zeal! What, we repeat, is the cause of so singular a fact?

The analysis of that cause brings us down to the fundamental principles on which our two parties are divided.

The Democratic party has never been more true to the name under which it has been steadily organized, since its formation at the foundation of our government, than it is at the present moment. We are no friends to catch-words, and scorn to use them. But in that time-hallowed party name we recognize a principle and a truth, and not a mere sound. The simple fact of its having been borne uniformly through so long a period, and so many vicissitudes, while its antagonist party has invested itself with the chameleon hues of a score of different names, would alone be sufficient to prove that it is a characteristic, and not a mere conventional, designation. The first of the articles of belief, in the political faith of that party, has always been a steadfast confidence, through good and through evil, in the intelligence and integrity of the broad mass of the people. It is at this point that the divergence between the principles of the two has aiways begun. This confidence affords as unfailing a support in misfortune, as it does a cheering encouragement in success. It looks below the outward seeming of events, to their deep causes and springs of motion; it is not frightened by a ripple that a chance breeze may sweep up the channel of the stream, into the belief that the mighty mass of the river has changed its course, and is rolling ts deep waters backward, against the law of its own nature. It recognizes that what is, is right; and sees, in the temporary reverse of

to-day, the very means by which a wisdom and a power, above the level of our petty calculations, are bringing about the ulterior triumph of truth and justice.

It was this confidence in the people, (not to be shaken by any ephemeral delusions or excitements,) and in the eternal truth, and radical democratic soundness of the principles which have experienced this temporary check, which has called out this noble spirit. And general as has been the manifestation of that spirit, by public meetings and the press, as well as by individuals, in all parts of the country, we feel more reason to be proud of our party, firm in our principles, and sure of their eventual overwhelming triumph, than we have ever felt before.

This same New York election, notwithstanding all the immoderate rejoicings over it by the Opposition, will, we venture to predict, prove the most fortunate event for the Democratic party, and its policy, that could have happened; and, in truth, its beneficial influences are already beginning to develope themselves very sensibly. In the 'Empire State' itself, its effect cannot fail to be very salutary. We hope that it will not be deemed impertinent for us to express the opinion, that the Democratic party there needed some such shock, to renovate and purify it from the injurious influence of too long a possession of too undisputed an ascendency. This impression has been entertained for years by intelligent members of that party itself, and the approaching hour foreseen. So long as government is administered on its present principles, of general over-action and over-legislation, the perpetual check of a formidable opposition is necessary to preserve the purity of the principles of any party in power; while by dint of opposition,-by perpetually declaiming against abuses on the part of the dominant party,-this minority itself becomes purified in its habits of thinking on political subjects, in the same proportion in which the majority becomes insensibly corrupted. If this influence on the former were sufficient to penetrate to the heart, and to reform the vicious fundamental principles on which the creed of the anti-democratic minority is based, then the patriot could desire nothing more than a constant rotation in office,' between the two parties, each rising and sinking alternately, as it is relieved from, or encumbered with, the corruptions incident to the long possession of power. But unfortunately for that minority,-and unfortunately for the country, when an accident places them in power, such is not the case. Its anti-popular principles lie too deeply at its heart, to be reached by an influence which does not, in its action upon either party, extend beyond the surface; and though, perhaps, sunk in comparative torpor, during their long Siberian exile from office, the first beam of the glorious summer of power, on the winter of that discontent, never fails to quicken them again into active, energetic, and dangerous vitality. We will not, in describing the use which

that party seldom fails to make of the power thus occasionally entrusted to it, by the deluded confidence of the popular vote, quote the apposite fable of the serpent stinging the honest bosom that has warmed it into life,-though the courtesy is, perhaps, but little deserved, but it is very certain, that their real principles, in their rankest form, always on such occasions come forth, to bask in the light, and at the same time to impel them to the commission of the most suicidal acts of folly, and to insult and disgust the democratic mass of the people, whose breath can, at the next election, unmake, as it has made. Witness what the short period of a few days was sufficient to bring forth, in the triumphant party in that election. We will not pause to dwell on the extravagant public rejoicings with which that victory was celebrated,-a victory of one political party over another in the peaceful contest of opinion,-all countrymen, fellow-citizens, and friends. We will not dwell upon that indecency,because the bad taste of the whole affair, in so ridiculous an exhibition of the intoxication of unaccustomed triumph, was fully equalled by its folly, in exasperating, by such gratuitous and gross insult, the whole of that great party, whose temporary defeat (by its own dissensions and apathy) was thus celebrated as a national triumph over a foreign invading foe! Nor need we advert to the equally absurd, and equally insulting attempt to secure the future votes of the " rascalle rabblement," by a foolish ostentation of partisan charity-a distribution of corn-by way, it is to be presumed, of immediate prac tical performance of the promise that, if the law should only be given up into the hands of the rich, they would take care of the poor. Nor need we refer to the penitential eloquence with which pardon was implored, at the hands of the old anti-democratic party of a neighbouring State, for the great Empire State of New York,which, under the control of its pestilent democracy, had "sinned long, but must be forgiven," and must be admitted to a place side by side with Massachusetts, under the old Federal flag! Our design was merely to allude to the striking fact, of the open avowal, by a portion of the press of that party, of the same old anti-republican doctrines on which it was originally founded,-in their full extent of a preference of monarchical and aristocratic, over democratic, institutions. This avowal, however astonishing to the foreigner, as an evidence of the existence of such a sentiment in this country, creates no surprise in the minds of those who understand the strong antipopular bias of the principles of that party, and are accustomed to hear the free expression of them in private intercourse. It is true,

* In allusion, particularly, to the New York Commercial Advertiser, (perhaps the most vehement and consistent of the opponents of the late and present Administrations,) and to those papers which copied, or abstained for a time (till the signal was given which it was evidently necessary to obey) from indignantly denouncing, its article over the signature of "Sydney."