(Extracted from the Berwick and Kelso Warder, January 15, 1812.) "In this day's Warder there appears an advertisement which we earnestly commend to the attention of the friends of humanity and the British Constitution. This is the announcement regarding a testimonial to the King of the Factory children,' the assertor of Constitutional liberty, the opponent of the New Poor Law and the League-Richard Oastler. We have of late repeatedly adverted to the case of Mr. Oastler, who is at present an inmate of the Fleet Prison, for no fault but the strange one of having too much honesty! Yes-such a thing appears possible to have an existence, where an individual is found to sacrifice all his own immediate interests, out of a superabundant zeal displayed in the service of another. And we cannot neglect this opportunity of testifying the satisfaction we derive from finding the case of this fervid and venerable patriot at length taken up by able, active, and influential friends, whose exertions are sure to be crowned with triumphant success. "We shall not do any of our readers the injustice of supposing them ignorant of the position which Mr. Oastler has so long filled before the British public, as the Champion of popular rights, upon Constitutional principles. On referring to the address in our advertising columns, our friends will find it a succinct and apologetical resume of the entire purposes of his bold and eventful career. Our own admiration of the map, we may observe, is grounded on the fact of his forming so promiBent an instance of a devoted friend of the people, standing up for the integrity of our blessed institutes in Church and State. In his own person, Mr. Oastler is a living reproof to every demagogue who has ever practised on the political credulity of the poor; evidencing as he does the compatibility of Constitutional sentiments, with the redress of practical wrongs. It is well said, that "Although the advocacy of great public questions has placed Mr. Oastler in the position of an influential supporter of popular rights, yet he has not attempted either to increase or to uphold his influence by appealing or yielding to the selfish passions of any section of the community; but he has boldly and emphatically, and often in the midst of great personal danger, denounced oppression and injustice in whatever quarter they appeared to him to originate, whether it was in the case of the rich against the poor, or in that of the poor against the rich, his object being to instil into the minds of the whole people the great truth of relative duties, and the paramount necessity of fulfilling them; the source from which he has derived his knowledge of those duties being the will of God, as revealed to mankind in the Holy Scriptures. Thus Mr. Oastler's constant endeavour has been to maintain the principles upon which the British Constitution is founded; uniting the monarchy, the aristocracy, and the entire body of the people in a mutual and just support of each other, that bond of union being the Church of Christ.' "It is so seldom that an appeal of this nature has been made to the friends of the Constitution, that we augur the better of its potency. Are the Radicals to have their eleemosynary patriots, the Dissenters their Church-1ate martyrs, the very Repealers who seek the dismemberment of the empire, a rint' such as sustained their chief in the attitude of master of her Majesty's quondam ministers? And shall one who has been true as steel to the British Constitution-only dauntless in the assertion of British freedom-lack the sympathy of the just, the generous, and the good? Never; while justice, generosity, or goodness exist within the four seas of Britain. The Morning Herald says: "The names of Lord Feversham and Sir George Sinclair, as two of the trustees of the Oastler Testimonial, are sufficient guarantees that the charges which have been showered forth against his character are unfounded and calumnious.' "We believe it. And we trust devoutly that the British public will believe it; for we would not have it told to after ages that we had but one such patriot as Oastler, and failed to appreciate his energy of soul and honesty of purpose. NEW LEEDS JOURNAL. On SATURDAY, May 7, 1812, will appear the First Number of THE LEEDS CONSERVATIVE JOURNAL, a Saturday Newspaper, Price 4d. Handsomely printed on the Largest Sheet allowed to a Penny Stamp: containing all the matter commonly found in Political and Agricultural Journals; with the addition of Literary Review, Scientific Disquisition, and Light Reading for the Lovers of Amusement. Printed and Published by R. PERRING & Co., at their General Printing Office, 23, Commercial Street, Leeds, (opposite the Union Bank.) where Orders, Advertisements, and Communications are received. Orders and Advertisements will also be received by the usual News Agents and Booksellers in Town or Country. Mr. Perring has withdrawn from the Intelligencer for reasons which will be fully related hereafter. He respectfully solicits the support of his Friends, and will endeavour to prove himself worthy of it. N.B.-Books, Pamphlets, and all the work of a well-appointed Printing Ofice, executed with accuracy and dispatch, in the first style of the Art, and on reasonable terms. The whole of the materials are new. Printed by Vincent Torras & Co., 7, Palace Row, New Road, London. THE FLEET PAPERS. LONDON: PUBLISHED BY JOHN PAVEY, 47, HOLYWELL STREET, STRAND, AND BENJAMIN STEILL, 20, PATERNOSTER ROW. NOTICES TO CORRESPONDENTS. N. BAILEY, Barnet, Herts.-His friendly and amusing letter has been received. "Bessy" is a very naughty girl. The Poseys" are not come-at-able. Second Editions (without Covers) of some of the numbers of the Fleet Papers have been published. In those cases, the outside sheets are out of print. Thanks to him for his good wishes and kind intentions. Q. B., Queen's Bench Prison.-The House of Lords has been petitioned, and the Judges have been memorialized (against that last effort of tyranny, The Queen's Prison Bill,") by the persons detained in the Fleet Prison. The LORDS are so much imbued with the spirit of Centralization and Oppression, that having already trampled on the rights of the poor, it is natural they should vie with the COMMONS in acts of oppression, and that they should delight in crushing and tormenting unfortunate Debtors. The writer of the Fleet Papers has devoted his time and influence in defence of the rights and privileges of the NOBLES against the attacks of their deadly enemies, the LIBERALS. It is odd enough that now (when liberal and enlightened principles" have extinguished patriotism in the breasts of the Aristocracy) he should be one of their victims. It is, however, all for the best. Cowards have ever, when they had the power, become Tyrants. So is it with the LORDS! They have added insult to oppression in their amendments to " The Queen's Prison Bill." Their tyranny and injustice will some day recoil upon themselves, although they never think that the same spirit which urges them to destroy the rights of the poor and the unfortunate, aims at the destruction of their own order; but as surely as they are now the tools, will they soon become the victims of the system of unconstitutional and enlightened" Philosophers. Their day of trial is fast approaching, although they see it not, and when they call for help there will be none to answer. WILLIAM DODD, the Factory Cripple, returns thanks to A. B. for 2s. 6d., sent by a friend. THE FLEET PAPERS, BY RICHARD OASTLER, Are published every SATURDAY, in NUMBERS, at 2d. each; also in PARTS, containing four weekly numbers, with Ornamental Covers, at 9d. each, BY PAVEY, Holywell Street, Strand, and STEILL, Paternoster Row, London. Back Numbers and Parts are always on sale. The Fleet Papers may be had of any Bookseller in the United Kingdom. Many complaints are made that the Fleet Papers cannot be obtained in the Provinces. If persons who wish to have them WILL ORDER THEM OF THEIR REGULAR BOOKSELLERS, they will be sure to obtain them. A few copies of the first volume of the Fleet Papers may be had, at 10s. each, by applying to Mr. Oastler, in the Fleet Prison. In reply to a numerous list of kind inquirers, “How can we best serve your interest?" Mr. Oastler begs to say, by promoting the circulation of the Fleet Papers, and by procuring Advertisements for their Covers. Mr. Oastler may be allowed to add, that few better mediums for advertising can be found than the Fleet Papers; they circulate in every district, and amongst every rank. In the Palace and the Cottage, readers of the Fleet Papers are to be found. Clergymen, Landlords, and Farmers, Ministers of State, Ploughboys, Factory Chil dren, and Weavers, patronize these little Fleeters. Charge for Advertisements as under :- Half a page 32 1 5 0 2 0 66 "The FLEET PAPERS.-We think we cannot do better than avail ourselves of our Saturday's number in publishing the following narrative for the benefit of our country readers. We take it from one of Oastler's Fleet Papers, and we have the most perfect conviction of its truth. The picture here presented of the state of society in the factory districts is enough to make a man forswear his country. Slavery in any form is, to use the words of Sterne, a bitter draught'; but we venture to say that in no part of the world does there exist a state of slavery more odious, more repulsive, more helpless, more sinful, or more cruel than that which pervades a large portion of the manufacturing districts of England. We know not the value which other men set upon manufacturing prosperity, and the advancement of mechanical skill, and the power of steam; nor are we anxious to learn what advantage they attach to the accumulation of wealth in a few families or individuals, but for ourselves, as regards the morality of the question, we would rather see all the factories burnt to the ground than be responsible for the iniquitous system which they have introduced, and which every day is becoming more horrible. We have not space at present for any extended remarks, but we implore all our readers to give their serious attention to the following heart-rending recital:"Liverpool Mail, April 16, 1842. (Extracted from the Shropshire Conservative, January 15, 1842.) "Mr. RICHARD OASTLER. "It will be seen, by an announcement in our paper this day, that it is in contemplation to raise a fond to provide for the Champion of the poor, Richard Oastler. Shall not the object in view be accomplished, to the ful measure that a grateful country can mete out to one of her noblest sons? Assuredly it shall. This is no party object-it stands far above statesmen and warriors-it is a tribute to a man who has toiled away the best years of his life on behalf of suffering humanity--who has given time, health, fortune. all, to espouse the cause of the poor; and he is now rewarded with a room in the Fleet Prison. Yet has his incarceration been of service to society-from his prison chamber he has launched forth bold and astounding truths, that have made great men pause and fear; and he has lit up such a spirit of fire against all who would oppress the children of misfortune, that nothing can quench it, and the whole fabric of iniquity must perish. But for such men as the late Michael Thomas Sadler and Richard Oastler, with the heart-stirring appeals made in the Times newspaper, what would be the condition of our Factory children and Poor Law serfs now?--Bad as the latter are treated, even at this time, the horrible, disgusting, and murderous system enacted against Poverty would have been carried to an extent dreadful to contemplate. Thousands of pounds sterling are lavished to erect monuments to men of learning, statesmen, or warriors-men who, when living, were in possession of wealth, and decorated with honours-is it too much to expect then that every Briton, who has the means, will contribute his or her mite to assist a Philanthropist, and smooth the declining years of a laborious, heart-racking life, by placing in Mr. Oastler's possession a sufficient provision for the necessities of himself and wife? It is not asking too much. We hear of literary men having pensions from Government. Why should not Richard Oastler be entitled to a pension from his country as well as Thomas Moore ?-is it, that the former writer is less imaginary and voluptuous than the latter?-is it that Richard Oastler denounces oppression, and wages war on all, indiscriminately, who love not those who have no protection but Providence, and no home but the world? Oh, there are nice distinctions in according gifts to merit. Sir Robert Peel could not do a more popular action, next to annihilating the New Poor Law Bill, than granting a pension to Mr. Oastler; he deserves far more than many who have received the country's bounty. The Trustees of the Oastler Testimonial are men well qualified for the office, for they are men of sterling humanity, -Lord Feversham, Sir George Sinclair, Bart., John Walter, Esq., John Fielding, Esq.. M.P., and W. B. Ferrand, Esq., M.P. Such names as these would be a sufficient guarantee that the party for whom they act is deserving-did we not all know that Oastler's name is a nation's praise. We are called the proud Salopians'-let us add, the generous Salopians, supporters of that which is good-upholders of the man who is worthy of his country's beneficence. It will afford us great pleasure to receive contributions, and, each week, announce the sum in the usual way--and, in conclusion, we earnestly and sincerely hope, this work of justice and reward will go on increasing, day by day, and that the mark of approbation of the friends of the poor will be no paltry gift, but a noble testimony befitting a Christian Nation's gratitude." (Extracted from the Manchester and Salford Advertiser, January 15, 1312.) "TESTIMONIAL TO Mr. OASTLER. We learn from a paper which has been forwarded to us, and which is about to be advertised, that the friends of this gentleman, whose advocacy of the rights of the poor has endeared him to a very large portion of our working classes, are about to raise a subscription in his behalf, the purpose of which will be best explained by the following short extract from the paper alluded to:-The great efforts which Mr. Oastler has made for his country have, however, cost him much. No considerations of private interest have ever restrained him in his endeavours to full that which he conceived to be his public duty. This great, benevolent, and patriotic man is now the inmate of a debtor's prison, debarred the full exercise of those admirable faculties of mind and body which are so well adapted to procure an ample provision for himself and family, A most earnest appeal is nade to those who are attached to the cause of British Constitutional Government, to contribute towards raising a fund for the purpose of placing Mr. Oastler, his wife, and their adopted daughter in comfortable circumstances. The money which is raised will be under the controul of the trustees, who will decide on the best method of fulfilling the object intended.' Among the names of the trustees we observe those of Lord Feversham, Sir George Sinclair, Bart., &c. Several private meetings of the friends of Mr. Oastler have been held in the district during the past week; and we ན understand that a general public meeting will be held in this town in a very short time, for the purpose of concerting arrangements for the collection of the subscriptions. We need not say how heartily we concur in the object, and how sincerely we wish it success.' (Extracted from the Age, January 16, 1842.) "A subscription is getting up, under the best auspices, for Richard Oastler-now locked up in the Fleet. We wish it every success, and shall aid it in every manner in our power. But this we beg leave to say, that we object to a single farthing, if it be dropped into the pocket of Mr. Thomas Thornhol. It would be too much of a good thing that this personage should have his purse replenished by the subscriptions of men, who are, in every point of view, less opulent than himself. "With respect to Oastler's Fleet Papers, we shall take another opportunity of noticing themthey are, at all events, on the right side. Is the inside of the Fleet the right side for Mr. Oastler? We should hardly think so. Why does not Mr. Oastler turn the influence of his pen to show up the abominable injustice of the present Law of Imprisonment for Debt?" LETTER XV. ON COMMERCIAL ECONOMY. "To J. R. M CULLOCH, Esq., "SIR.-On commencing my examination of the writings of Malthus, I invited your attention, in the first place, to the true and complete nature of the great investigation which he undertook to conduct. I stated that this consists of TWO distinct branches, that of the prin ciple of the increase of population on the one hand, and of the principle of the increase of the means of sustaining population on the other. "I stated, moreover, that the great object of his inquiry is that of instituting a just comparison between the rates of increase of the two subjects now mentioned, and that the soundness of his conclusions must depend upon the fact of his having succeeded in proving to demonstration the nature of BOTH these subjects. By my two preceeding letters I have proved to you the false foundation on which Malthus has based his calculations respecting the increase of population; and I now proceed to show you that he has exhibited similar infirmity of reasoning in all his attempts to elucidate the question of the means whereby population is sustained, that question being commercial economy or policy; and I will show you also that the deplorable absence of all sound argument to which I now advert, is admitted, in the fullest and most general manner, by Malthus himself. "The course of argument, which he has advanced on these two subjects is contained in his Principles of Political Economy,' and his Essay on the Principle of Population;' and with regard to the first of these, I beg to press on your attention a fact which it is important to keep in view; it is this, that the edition from which I shall quote has been published since the death of the author of the work, the editor asserting that the work received the latest possible revisal from the author himself. It follows, therefore, that this volume puts us in possession of Malthus's conclusions up to the latest period, and also it affords the advantage of showing us the general STATE in which the science of Political Economy has been left by its professors to within a few years of the present time. Whether the description of the state of the science therein given be such as to raise in the mind feelings of satisfaction or dissatisfaction, I will now request you to judge, from evidence which I proceed to adduce. The first remarkable feature which challenges attention in the work of Malthus on Political Economy, is an acknowledgment of his inability to treat the subjects in the manner that they ought to be treated-that is, accurately. Like other weak writers to whom I have before alluded, Malthus has endeavoured to remove from himself, as well as from other writers, the charge of incompetency; and in order to effect this, he has attempted to transfer insufficiency from himself to his SUBJECT. He has told the world, with a great deal of gravity, though certainly without any profoundness, that as the science of Political Economy bears a nearer resemblance to the science of morals and politics than it does to that of mathematics, it is not to be expected that investigations will lead to CERTAIN conclusions. Now, Sir, I think you will agree with me, that this mode of commencing a scientific inquiry is nothing less than begging to have a liberal license for committing errors. The fruits of this loose mode of procedure soon show themselves in his works; for, in the second page, on endeavouring to strengthen his argument for concluding that Political Economy cannot be worked as an exact science, he adduces this reason, namely, thai many men have devoted a large share of talent and attention to the study, notwithstanding which differences of opinion prevail amongst them. Now, this resolves itself into the following notable axiom-a certain number of men have tried and failed to find truth-therefore, truth does not exist, or is not to be found. A convenient axiom this for a very large, and unhappily, a very influential school of talkers, writers, and law-makers. Having thus detracted the character of the science, and made the study of it comparatively easy, by substituting speculation or conjecture for steady, careful, and profound research, Malthus then makes allusion to he efforts of those writers who constitute the school of Economists,' and to the efforts of Adam Smith; and, in the second page, the following important passage occurs:"Since the era of these distinguished writers, the subject has gradually attracted the attention of a greater number of persons, particularly during the last twenty or thirty years. All the main propositions of the science have been examined, and the events which have since occurred, tending either to illustrate or confute them, have been repeatedly discussed. The result of this examination and discussion seems to be, that on some very important points there are still great differences of opinion. Among these, perhaps, may be reckoned-The definitions of wealth and of productive labour-he nature and measures of value-The nature and extent of the principles of demand and supply-The origin and progress of rent-The causes which determine the wages of labour, and the profits of stock-The causes which practically retard and limit the progress of wealth-The 66 "The FLEET PAPERS.-We think we cannot do better than avail ourselves of our Saturday's number in publishing the following narrative for the benefit of our country readers. We take it from one of Oastler's Fleet Papers, and we have the most perfect conviction of its truth, The picture here presented of the state of society in the factory districts is enough to make a man forswear his country. Slavery in any form is, to use the words of Sterne, a bitter draught'; but we venture to say that in no part of the world does there exist a state of slavery more odious, more repulsive, more helpless, more sinful, or more cruel than that which pervades a large portion of the manufacturing districts of England. We know not the value which other men set upon manufacturing prosperity, and the advancement of mechanical skill, and the power of steam; nor are we anxious to learn what advantage they attach to the accumulation of wealth in a few families or individuals, but for ourselves, as regards the morality of the question, we would rather see all the factories burnt to the ground than be responsible for the iniquitous system which they have introduced, and which every day is becoming more horrible. We have not space at present for any extended remarks, but we implore all our readers to give their serious attention to the following heart-rending recital:"Liverpool Mail, April 16. 1842. (Extracted from the Shropshire Conservative, January 15, 1842.) "Mr. RICHARD OASTLER. "It will be seen, by an announcement in our paper this day, that it is in contemplation to raise a fund to provide for the Champion of the poor, Richard Oastier. Shall not the object in view be accomplished, to the full measure that a grateful country can mete out to one of her noblest sons? Assuredly it shall. This is no party object-it stands far above statesmen and warriors-it is a tribute to a man who has toiled away the best years of his life on behalf of suffering humanity-who has given time, health, fortune. all, to espouse the cause of the poor; and he is now rewarded with a room in the Fleet Prison. Yet has his incarceration been of service to society-from his prison chamber he has launched forth bold and astounding truths, that have made great men pause and fear; and he has lit up such a spirit of fire against all who would oppress the children of misfortune, that nothing can quench it, and the whole fabric of iniquity must perish. But for such men as the late Michael Thomas Sadler and Richard Oastler, with the heart-stirring appeals made in the Times newspaper, what would be the condition of our Factory children and Poor Law serfs now?-Bad as the latter are treated, even at this time, the horrible, disgusting, and murderous system enacted against Poverty would have been carried to an extent dreadful to contemplate. Thousands of pounds sterling are lavished to erect monuments to men of learning, statesmen, or warriors-nien who, when living, were in possession of wealth, and decorated with honours-is it too much to expect then that every Briton, who has the means, will contribute his or her mite to assist a Philanthropist, and smooth the declining years of a laborious, heart-racking life, by placing in Mr. Oastler's possession a sufficient provision for the necessities of himself and wife? It is not asking too much. We hear of literary men having pensions from Government. Why should not Richard Oastler be entitled to a pension from his country as well as Thomas Moore ?-is it, that the former writer is less imaginary and voluptuous than the latter?-—is it that Richard Oastler denounces oppression, and wages war on all. indiscriminately, who love not those who have no protection but Providence, and no home but the world? Oh, there are nice distinctions in according gifts to merit. Sir Robert Peel could not do a more popular action, next to annihilating the New Poor Law Bill, than granting a pension to Mr. Oastler; he deserves far more than many who have received the country's bounty. The Trustees of the Oastler Testimonial are men well qualified for the office, for they are men of sterling humanity, -Lord Feversham, Sir George Sinclair, Bart., John Walter, Esq., Jolin Fielding, Esq., M.P., and W. B. Ferrand, Esq., M.P. Such names as these would be a sufficient guarantee that the party for whom they act is deserving-did we not all know that Oastler's name is a nation's praise. We are called the proud Salopians'-let us add, the generous Salopians, supporters of that which is good-upholders of the man who is worthy of his country's beneficence. It will afford us great pleasure to receive contributions, and, each week, announce the sum in the usual way--and, in conclusion, we earnestly and sincerely hope, this work of justice and reward will go on increasing, day by day, and that the mark of approbation of the friends of the poor will be no paltry gift, but a noble testimony befitting a Christian Nation's gratitude." (Extracted from the Manchester and Salford Advertiser, January 15, 13 (2.) "TESTIMONIAL TO Mr. OASTLER. We learn from a paper which has been forwarded to us, and which is about to be advertised, that the friends of this gentleman, whose advocacy of the rights of the poor has endeared him to a very large portion of our working classes, are about to raise a subscription in his behalf, the purpose of which will be best explained by the following short extract from the paper alluded to:-The great efforts which Mr. Oastler has made for his country have, however, cost him much. No considerations of private interest have ever restrained him in his endeavours to full that which he conceived to be his public duty. This great, benevolent, and patriotic man is now the inmate of a debtor's prison, debarred the full exercise of those admirable faculties of mind and body which are so well adapted to procure an ample provision for himself and family, A most earnest appeal is made to those who are attached to the cause of British Constitutional Government, to contribute towards raising a fund for the purpose of placing Mr. Oastler, his wife, and their adopted daughter in comfortable circumstances. The money which is raised will be under the controyl of the trustees, who will decide on the best method of fulfilling the object intended.' Among the names of the trustees we observe those of Lord Feversham, Sir George Sinclair, Bart., &c. Several private meetings of the friends of Mr. Oastler have been held in the district during the past week; and we |