Fleet Papers

THE

FLEET PAPERS.

LONDON: PUBLISHED BY

JOHN PAVEY, 47, HOLYWELL STREET, STRAND,

AND

BENJAMIN STEILL, 20, PATERNOSTER ROW.

THESE Papers are principally intended for the perusal of the friends of Christianity and the Constitution; particularly the Clergy and the Aristocracy, and of all persons who are possessed of Property. The object of the writer will be to explain the reason for the present alarming state of English society, and the consequent insecurity of life and property; also to offer some remarks upon the folly and wickedness of attempting to uphold our Institutions, particularly that of Private Property, by the unconstitutional means of Centralization, Commissioning, Espionage, and force; finally, to state his own views on the best mode of restoring Peace, Contentment, Security, and Prosperity, to every rank of the people of England.

The author is perfectly aware of the fact, that every Parliamentary leader is now only attempting to legislate for the present moment-putting off the evil day -making laws "from hand to mouth," in the hope that some unforeseen, fortunate event may enable succeeding Statesmen to legislate for permanency. He is also convinced that there is a mode of successfully re-establishing our Institutions upon their original foundation-Christianity:-and that that is the only way to preserve them from the encroachments of political partisans, who are now paving the way to universal Ruin, Anarchy, and Despotism.

THE FLEET PAPERS,

RICHARD OASTLER,

Are published every SATURDAY, in NUMBERS, at 2d. each; also in PARTS, containing four weekly numbers, with Ornamental Covers, at 9d. cach,

PAVEY, Holywell Street, Strand, and STEILL, Paternoster Row, London.

Back Numbers and Parts are always on sale.

The Fleet Papers may be had of any Bookseller in the United Kingdom. Many complaints are made that the Fleet Papers cannot be obtained in the Provinces. If persons who wish to have them WILL ORDER THEM OF THEIR REGULAR BOOKSELLERS, they will be sure to obtain them.

A few copies of the first volume of the Fleet Papers may be had, at 10s. each, by applying to Mr. Oastler, in the Fleet Prison.

In reply to a numerous list of kind inquirers, “How can we best serve your interest ?” Mr. Oastier begs to say, by promoting the circulation of the Fleet Papers, and by procuring Advertisements for their Covers. Mr. Oastier may be allowed to add, that few better mediums for advertising can be found than the Fleet Papers; they circulate in every district, and amongst every rank. In the Palace and the Cottage, readers of the Fleet Papers are to be found. Clergymen, Landlords. and Farmers, Ministers of State, Ploughboys, Factory Children, and IV eavers, patronize these little Fleeters.

Charge for Advertisements as under :-
Seven lines and under
076
Above 7 lines, for every line 0 0 10

Half a page
An entire page

2 2

66
NOTICE OF THE FLEET PAPERS."

"The FLEET PAPERS, No. 16, Vol. 2, April 16, 1842.-The present number contains some able remarks upon the policy of Sir R. Peel's government, as well as deep regret that the New Poor Law and the factory question remain untouched. The remarks upon the factious ⚫pposition of the Whigs, with a hint as to the best mode of finding them other subjects of discussion, are too good to be omitted:*—Manchester Advertiser, April 16, 1842.

"THE CONSERVATIVE MINISTRY AND THE NEW POOR LAW. "There is not, we are confident, a single reader of the Advertiser whose breast did not swell with grief, horror, and indignation on perusing the two cases of death under the regulations of the Whig Poor Law, which it was our distressing duty to record last week. Do we live in a Christian land? is a question that spontaneously arises whenever one of the numerous disgusting or atrocious effects of that selfish piece of legislation occurs with which of late years the public has been made familiar. The answer is unquestionably we do; but we steadfastly deny that they are Christians, who in any respect whatever uphold a system that is directly in opposition to the dictates of natural humanity, to the sober dictates of sound reason, and what is much worse, in violation and contempt of the precepts of the Gospel, and the principles of our holy religion. Christians, indeed! why our Pagan and savage ancestors, ere they left the wild forests of Germany, displayed a far more humane feeling towards the aged and the helpless, when they put them to an easy death, rather than they should be a burthen to themselves and society. We, on the contrary, immure paralytics in cold stone cells during the nights of winter, refuse medical aid until kinder nature relieves the sufferer from mortal throes, and urge the unfortunate mother to madness by excess of starvation, or drive her with the terrors of a workhouse prison to become the murderer of her own babe.

"We had hoped, with the majority of the Conservative body, so vast that the dissidents can only be cited as exceptions, that after effecting the ignominious expulsion of the Whig perpetrators of those enormities against the disabled working classes of England, and firmly seating the present Administration in power, the slight concession of remodelling the Poor Laws would have been made in return for suffrages, which, for the most part, were given under the expectation of a favourable alteration in this respect. But it seems that we are not to witness the abrogation of the unconstitutional powers vested in the Board of Commiseration, or any amelioration in the mode of administering relief to the pauper, and all, apparently, in order to preserve the cousistency of the Home Secretary, Sir James Graham.

"Our firm belief is that the Ministry are taking a dangerous step. It cannot be controverted that the horrible Poor Law was the rock on which the fortunes of the Whigs were wrecked, never to be recovered, and as the same effect always attends the same cause, their successors, strong as they deservedly are, will experience a fatal reverse if they succeed in their attempt to perpetuate the enormity. Beyond all question the greater portion, amounting nearly to the whole, of the Conservative members were returned on their direct pledges, or on an implied assurance, that they would oppose the re-enactment of the Poor Laws, and many of them have already begun to redeem them, while numbers of the Whig gentlemen, with more honour and humanity than the tribe packs that yelped at Lord John Russell's heels, have given votes against the measure, and others have purposely absented themselves on the nights when discussion was expected to arise. Of this apparent desertion from the Whig Law, Sir Robert Peel himself, scarcely a fortnight ago, bitterly complained on making one of the usual notices. These symptoms, we should conceive, are such as ought to alarm even a stronger Government than the present, and though we can ill spare Sir Robert's talents and resources under the difficulties which his predecessors have heaped upon the mation, the feelings of humanity may prevail over cold policy, and a second general election place the Premier in an unenviable position. One hope, however, remains, and that is, that the Conservatives and their new allies may prove too strong for the mere followers of the ins and outs. A very short time now will decide the momentous question, whether the decency and religion of the country is to be any longer outraged by a systematic treatment of the poor and helpless against which the most brutal savages revolt."-Stockport Advertiser, April 14, 1842.

"MACHINERY v. LABOUR.

"The Manchester Courier, in noticing the declining state of the markets of that town, observes: The reduction in wages proceeds at a humming rate, and must be highly gratifying to the liberal heart of every corn law repealer. Indeed, it should appear we shall very soon rival our continental neighbours in the matter of lowness of wages. We have heard of large spinning and manufacturing concerns, here and elsewhere, in which, during the last fortnight or so, a saving of nearly 25 per cent. has been effected in the cost of production. Indeed, at present, the employers have it all their own way, for the labour market, in consequence of the improvements (!) in machinery, and not that less, for indeed more is produced; the labour market, like that for goods and yarns, is quite over-stocked. Very well,' says your cold-hearted-liberal-political-economist, how can you help it! Must not the thing find its own level? No doubt of it; but we are endeavouring to show why it is our staple productions continue at so low a price; and also, why so many hands are thrown out of employment or leaving the country. This is not because profits are annihilated, or the trade of the country falling off (as witness the export returns), but because the cost of production is immeasurably reduced, and the means resorted to for production are not manual but mechanical."-Halifax Guardian, April 16, 1842.

Extracted from the Wakefield Journal, January 14, 1842.)

"TESTIMONIAL TO Mr. OASTLER.

"The friends of this gentleman-whose celebrated advocacy of the rights of the poor, and who through good report and evil report has never swerved from the open and manly avowal of those principles of humanity and justice, which have endeared him to the hearts of a large portion of the humane among all parties-are about forming a committee to raise subscriptions in his behalf and that of his wife and adopted daughter. We should really imagine that, taking into consideration Mr. Oastler's exertion to benefit the factory labourers-his efforts to gain a Ten Hours' Bill' -his able and just denunciation of tyranny and oppression, whether found in the Lord or in the Commoner-and his known destitute condition, will ensure this committee success; and that ample funds will be forthcoming to place the factory King' above want, and in peace and comfort for the remaining portion of his life."

(Extracted from the Newcastle Journal, January 15, 1842.)

"THE OASTLER TESTIMONIAL.

"To all who sympathize in the amendment of the law regulating factory labour, and the protection of women and children from the licence of capital, and in a mitigation of the cruelties of the New Poor Law, the present position of Mr. Richard Oastler is one of interest and commiseration. Mr. Oastler, many years ago, became acquainted, by personal observation, with the miseries inflicted on his poorer fellow-country women and their helpless offspring in factories, and in conjunction with the late Mr. Michael Thomas Sadler, he commenced an uncompromising and most disinterested agitation for their legal protection. He devoted years of indefatigable labour and rare and untiring energy to the cause he advocated, which he also materially aided by contributions from his private means. When partially successful a fresh subject of legal oppression, in the New Poor Law, sprung into existence, and against its enormities Mr. Oastler has incessantly directed all his energies and abilities. For the last ten years he has laboured, in season and out of season, to promote the welfare and prosperity of the working classes, not by giving to them worthless political privileges, but by improving their material condition. During the entire course of his public career, he has been found on the side of the weak and oppressed, against the powerful and the strong. For upwards of twelve months Mr. Oastler has been imprisoned for debt in the Fleet Prison, at the suit of his former employer, Mr. Thornhill. Several of his friends and admirers have now combined to raise a fund to provide for himself and family; and they appeal to the public for support and assistance to carry out their benevolent design. The claims of Mr. Qastler are set forth clearly and forcibly in the address published by his friends, and they are thus pithily summed up: Mr. Oastler's constant endeavour has been to maintain the principles upon which the British constitution is founded:-uniting the monarchy, the aristocracy, and the entire body of the people in a mutual and just support of each other, that bond of union being the Church of Christ." The Hames of Lord Feversham, Sir George Sinclair, Mr. Walter, Mr. John Fielden, M.P., and Mr. Busfeild Ferrand, M.P., as trustees of the Oastler Testimonial,' are sufficient guarantee that the charges which have been showered forth against his character are unfounded and calumnious. To the fund Lord Feversham has contributed 501., Lord Ashley and Mr. Walter, 251. each, Sir George Sinclair and Mr. Ferrand, 101. 10s. each, and several sums of a smaller amount have already been subscribed by clergymen and other benevolent individuals. Subscriptions are received by Messrs. Drummond, Bankers, Charing Cross, and by the Honorary Secretary, Mr. William Atkinson, 16, Doughty Street, London. Few men have laboured more zealously and disinterestedly for the amelioration of the condition of the working classes than Mr. Oastler; and we shall be glad to learn that under the auspices of the noblemen and gentlemen who are interesting themselves in his welfare, that a sufficient subscription has been realized to render that gentleman independent for the rest of his life."

(Extracted from the Liverpool Mail, January 15, 1842 )

"We know no public man of the present day whose exertions for the amelioration of the sufferings of the labouring poor have been so untiring, energetic, and disinterested, as those of Mr. R. Oastler, the venerable author of the Fleet Papers, now and for some time past incarcerated in a dungeon by Whig liberality; neither can we call to remembrance any person who has been so much maligned. Certain politicians of all creeds and classes, who postpone everything to the gratification of an innate and inordinate selfishness, have almost invariably ranged themselves in the ranks of his enemies, and they have not scrupled to utter and write against him the vilest and most dastardly calumnies. We have, therefore, the greatest gratification in observing that some of the rich and titled of the land, who have been enabled duly to estimate and appreciate his philanthropic endeavours and character, are coming forward in the hour of his difficulty to join in rendering to him a testimonial of their respect and admiration. They publish an appeal to the justice and generosity of their countrymen in his behalf in another column, and we shail, indeed, be surprised if the claim of a zealous, intelligent, and patriotic individual, to the encouragement of the humane, are not promptly and honourably acknowledged. We have pleasure in taking the following article from the London Standard in support of that appeal:

66
NOTICE OF THE FLEET PAPERS."

"The FLEET PAPERS, No. 16. Vol. 2, April 16, 1842.-The present number contains some able remarks upon the policy of Sir R. Peel's government, as well as deep regret that the New Poor Law and the factory question remain untouched. The remarks upon the factious ⚫pposition of the Whigs, with a hint as to the best mode of finding them other subjects of discussion, are too good to be omitted:.-Manchester Advertiser, April 16, 1842.

We had hoped, with the majority of the Conservative body, so vast that the dissidents can only be cited as exceptions, that after effecting the ignominious expulsion of the Whig perpetrators of those enormities against the disabled working classes of England, and firmly seating the present Administration in power, the slight concession of remodelling the Poor Laws would have been made in return for suffrages, which, for the most part, were given under the expectation of a favourable alteration in this respect. But it seems that we are not to witness the abrogation of the unconstitutional powers vested in the Board of Commiseration, or any amelioration in the mode of administering relief to the pauper, and all, apparently, in order to preserve the consistency of the Home Secretary, Sir James Graham.

“Our firm belief is that the Ministry are taking a dangerous step. It cannot be controverted that the horrible Poor Law was the rock on which the fortunes of the Whigs were wrecked, never to be recovered, and as the same effect always attends the same cause, their successors, strong as they deservedly are, will experience a fatal reverse if they succeed in their attempt to perpetuate the enormity. Beyond all question the greater portion, amounting nearly to the whole, of the Conservative members were returned on their direct pledges, or on an implied assurance, that they would oppose the re-enactment of the Poor Laws, and many of them have already begun to redeem them, while numbers of the Whig gentlemen, with more honour and humanity than the tribe packs that yelped at Lord John Russell's beels, have given votes against the measure, and others have purposely absented themselves on the nights when discussion was expected to arise. Of this apparent desertion from the Whig Law, Sir Robert Peel himself, scarcely a fortnight ago, bitterly complained on making one of the usual notices. These symptoms, we should conceive, are such as ought to alarm even a stronger Government than the present, and though we can ill spare Sir Robert's talents and resources under the difficulties which his predecessors have heaped upon the nation, the feelings of humanity may prevail over cold policy, and a second general election place the Premier in an unenviable position. One hope, however, remains, and that is, that the Conservatives and their new allies may prove too strong for the mere followers of the ins and outs. A very short time now will decide the momentous question, whether the decency and religion of the country is to be any longer outraged by a systematic treatment of the poor and helpless against which the most brutal savages revolt."-Stockport Advertiser, April 14, 1842.

"MACHINERY v. LABOUR.

(Extracted from the Wakefield Journal, January 14, 1842.)

"TESTIMONIAL TO Mr. OASTLER.

"The friends of this gentleman-whose celebrated advocacy of the rights of the poor, and who through good report and evil report has never swerved from the open and manly avowal of those principles of humanity and justice, which have endeared him to the hearts of a large portion of the humane among all parties-are about forming a committee to raise subscriptions in his behalf and that of his wife and adopted daughter. We should really imagine that, taking into consideration Mr. Oastler's exertion to benefit the factory labourers-his efforts to gain a Ten Hours' Bill' -his able and just denunciation of tyranny and oppression, whether found in the Lord or in the Commoner and his known destitute condition, will ensure this committee success; and that ample funds will be forthcoming to place the factory King' above want, and in peace and comfort for the remaining portion of his life."

(Extracted from the Newcastle Journal, January 15, 1842.)

"THE OASTLER TESTIMONIAL.

"To all who sympathize in the amendment of the law regulating factory labour, and the protection of women and children from the licence of capital, and in a mitigation of the cruelties of the New Poor Law, the present position of Mr. Richard Oastler is one of interest and commiseration. Mr. Oastler, many years ago. became acquainted, by personal observation, with the miseries inflicted on his poorer fellow-country women and their helpless offspring in factories, and in conjunction with the late Mr. Michael Thomas Sadler, he commenced an uncompromising and most disinterested agitation for their legal protection. He devoted years of indefatigable labour and rare and untiring energy to the cause he advocated, which he also materially aided by contributions from his private means. When partially successful a fresh subject of legal oppression, in the New Poor Law, sprung into existence, and against its enormities Mr. Oastler has incessantly directed all his energies and abilities. For the last ten years he has laboured, in season and out of season, to promote the welfare and prosperity of the working classes, not by giving to them worthless political privileges, but by improving their material condition. During the entire course of his public career, he has been found on the side of the weak and oppressed, against the powerful and the strong. For upwards of twelve months Mr. Oastler has been imprisoned for debt in the Fleet Prison, at the suit of his former employer, Mr. Thornhill. Several of his friends and admirers have now combined to raise a fund to provide for himself and family; and they appeal to the public for support and assistance to carry out their benevolent design. The claims of Mr. Qasiler are set forth clearly and forcibly in the address published by his friends, and they are thus pithily summed up: Mr. Oastler's constant endeavour has been to maintain the principles upon which the British constitution is founded:-uniting the monarchy, the aristocracy, and the entire body of the people in a mutual and just support of each other, that bond of union being the Church of Christ." The names of Lord Feversham, Sir George Sinclair, Mr. Walter, Mr. John Fielden, M.P., and Mr. Busfeild Ferrand, M.P., as trustees of the Oastler Testimonial,' are sufficient guarantee that the charges which have been showered forth against his character are unfounded and calumnious. To the fund Lord Feversham has contributed 507., Lord Ashley and Mr. Walter, 251. each, Sir George Sinclair and Mr. Ferrand, 101. 10s. each, and several sums of a smaller amount have already been subscribed by clergymen and other benevolent individuals. Subscriptions are received by Messrs. Drummond, Bankers, Charing Cross, and by the Honorary Secretary, Mr. William Atkinson. 16, Doughty Street, London. Few men have laboured more zealously and disinterestedly for the amelioration of the condition of the working classes than Mr. Oastler; and we shall be glad to learn that under the auspices of the noblemen and gentlemen who are interesting themselves in his welfare, that a sufficient subscription has been realized to render that gentleman independent for the rest of his life.”

(Extracted from the Liverpool Mail, January 15, 1842)

« Zurück Weiter »