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History muft record the events that happen in time, that future ages may know what has paffed in former periods of the world, and take an example and warning from the tranfaćtions of their predecefors. An Historian fhouldknow no party, but record truth. Adulation and flattery, as well as rancor and prejudice, are inconfiftent with the charaćter of an honeft historian. The author prefumes that your Majesty will meet with none of these in this History. Love of liberty, and of his fovereign, has made him write freely; and if he have any ruling prejudice, it is infavour of his Country, his King, and the Law. Your Majesty will be graciously pleased to accept of this humble address of a fubjećt, who is fincerely attached to the Brunswick family; who loves his King and country, values liberty and religion, and reveres the British constitution: who fincerely wishes that your Majefly, your royal confort, and family, may live long, thatit may be your happinefs to rule with wisdom, live in tranquillity, and make your subjećts happy,---and at laft enjoy a kingdom, incorruptible, undefiled, and that fadethnot away; * . -

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War more celebrated in history than the arts of peacethe American War proceeded from two cat/s-an account of the Cyder Ast—the Stamp Aff-debates concerning it—an abridgment thereof-arguments for and against it—the proceeding of the Colonists again/# it—the Americans would have defended them/elves without our help the parliament would not /uffer them–Doőfor Franklin’s letter to Governor Shirley,

W AR, though of all things the most destrustive to the human species, and contrary to the original dićtates of nature, has in all ages of the world filled up a great part of the history of nations. The laws and constitutions of kingdoms, and the improvements, of virtue and fcience, make a fmall figure in the annals of empires, when compared with the ponderous volumes that contain the atchievements of foldiers, and the rife and progrefs of war. The works of Archimedes, Socrates, and Plato; the laws of Solon and other eminent legislators, fill up but a few pages in comparifon of the history of the wars of Greece

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first, afterwards pleafant; and stamps the most abandoned of all aćtions with the epithet of glory. The glory of war is a creature of the imagination; often formed by caprice, nurfed by policy, and manumitted by public authority; when yet this unnatural creature of fancy, instead of promoting public or private happinefs, is the torment of the poffeffor, and the univerfal bane of all fociety. A thirft after this glory, and a pro

penfity for renown in martial exploits, have made fruit

ful countries a wildernefs, cities a defolation, and empires fcenes of flaughter; this unnatural appetite drags the parent from his family, the children from their parents, renders the widow defolate, the children farthęrlefs, and the father without offspring. Hence it becomes glorious to thirft for blood, an honour to fpoil our neighbours, and the dignity of men to live by rapine. It is magnanimity to fall at the command of princes ; and to return mạimed from battle, though in an unjult caufe, is accounted bravery in the lowest individual. By giving falfe names and epithets to things, and by frequently repeating them as matters of the highest importance, they at laft leave an impression which becomes a principle of aćtion in the minds of fuch as do not examine them.

The present war in Ameriça feems to have proceeded from two general causes; an exceflive defire of dominion in government, and an exceeding great

jealoufy in the people of the colonies, of ministerial designs against their natural rights and liberties. It cannot be disputed that the legislature in Great Britan, as well as the executive power, by modern flatutes of parliament, which had all the appearance of felfishness, and domination, gave fufficient

ground of jealousy to the colonies. From the pretence of expences and difburfements, laid out for the

defence

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defence of America, the government of the mother country claimed a right of internal taxation, unknown to the English constitution ; and proceeded to frame new laws, which in their own nature declared that the fole right of legislation remained in the parliament of England. In this cafe the subjects of the empire in that western part of the world were confidered, not as other fubjećts, but as vaffals, under absolute authority, to a legislature, in which they had none to reprefent them, and who were not under fufficient obligations to pay regard to their intereft. The late war with France and Spain, had added an enormous weight of debt to our former national burdens, and the peace that was but lately concluded had given us an addition of territory, without making us any richer than we were before. As foon as peace gave the nation time to reflećt, it was found that the flattering ideas of conquest could not remove the feelings, which the pressure of fo many millions of debt, had impressed on our national conftitution. It was expećted that our debts would have been leffened, our taxes reduced, and our burdens lightened; but the hot fever of war had fo relaxed the folids of the body politic, and weakened the whole frame of the conftitution, that the nation foon after the ratification of the peace, appeared in the fecond stage of a confumption. The condućtors of the last stages of the war, who had only proceeded upon the plan which a minister, the glory of his country, had formed before, were obliged ignominiously to drop it, for want of credit and capacity to carry it on; and ratified a peace as inglorious as the war had been fuccessful. Though an indifferent peace is preferable to even a fuccessful state of war, yet when a nation is laden with a burden of enormous debt, contraćted for its own defence againít a perverfe ene

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my, wisdom and political prudence, will certainly vindicate a nation, in making their enemies, when they are in their power, pay as much of the debt contraćted as it is possible to obtain from them. The negotiators of the peace were confidered by the nation as men unfriendly to the common intereft, and perfons, who, when they were fenfible of their incapacity to carry on the war, were determined to conclude a peace, with as much advantage to their own private intereft as poffible. Demands which might have protraćted a war, which they neither had genius nor credit to carry on, were industriously avoided, and the more mild requifitions of private douceurs were fupposed to have been adopted. Whether this jealousy of the nation proceeded from a fufpicion founded in distruft, or from fignatures which implied moral certainty, I will not pretend to determine; but it was the general opinion of the people at that period, that the French ministry purchafed the peace, and that fome perfons of no small diftinćtion in England, received the price thereof. What gave more weight to thefe fufpicions of the people on this occafion was, that their favourite minister, who had recovered the nation from disgrace, and exalted it to an high pitch of glory and renown, had forfome time been difplaced, through the influence of the royal favourite, who now was fupposed to manage all the fprings of government. It is fo feldom that a prime minister is univerfally esteemed, that when fuch a phænomenon happens in the political world, it muft be an unpopular aćtion in a fovereign, to turn him out of office, without fetting forth fome conspicuous aếts of his mal-administration. The whole tranfaćtions concerning the peace, being carried on by men of different complexions and characters from their former minister, afforded ground of fufpicion

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