After remonstrating against the useless injuries to which the officers also were said to be exposed, the letter concludes with appealing to general Howe for the redress of these wrongs; and calling on him to recollect that any hardships which the prisoners in the hands of the Americans might suffer, would be attributable to himself.

This letter not being immediately attended to, another was written, calling for an answer to it; declaring that the sufferings of the prisoners demanded immediate redress, and that unless the most satisfactory assurances on this head should be given, duty would constrain him to retaliate instantly on the prisoners in his possession.

In answer to this letter, general Howe repeated the most explicit assertions on the subject of his orders respecting the treatment of prisoners, and gave his consent to their being visited by a person to be sent in for that purpose, and required in turn, that passports should be sent for commissaries, who should also be permitted to visit, and supply the wants of British prisoners in possession of the Americans.

NOTE....No. X....See page 443.

The following petition addressed to governor Livingston, will furnish some evidence of the situation to which that part of Jersey was reduced.

To his excellency William Livingston, esquire, governor, captain general, and commander in chief in and over the state of New Jersey and the territories thereunto belonging in America, chancellor and ordinary in the same....the humble petition of the officers, civil and military, whose names are hereunto subscribed,

Sheweth,

That a large detachment of the British army, a few weeks ago, made an invasion into the lower counties of this state on Delaware, and plundered a few of the inhabitants. That at present a large detachment are invading them a second time. That the enemy in this second incursion, have, as we have been credibly informed, by the express orders of colonel Mawhood the commanding

officer, bayoneted and butchered in the most inhuman manner, a number of the militia who have unfortunately fallen into their hands. That colonel Mawhood immediately after the massacre, in open letters, sent to both officers and privates by a flag, had the effrontery to insult us with a demand, that we should lay down our arms, and if not, threatened to burn, destroy, and lay the whole country waste, and more especially the property of a number of our most distinguished men, whom he named. That he has since put his threat into execution, in one instance, by burning one of the finest dwelling houses in Salem county, and all the other buildings on the same farm, the property of colonel Benjamin Home. That plunder, rapine, and devastation in the most fertile and populous parts of these counties, widely mark their footsteps wherever they go. That they are spreading disaffection, they are using every possible means to corrupt the minds of the people, who, within their lines, have so little virtue as to purchase from them.

That

That we are in no state of defence. That we are so exposed by reason of our situation, that some of our officers civil and military, have moved out of the counties for safety. That our militia, during the last winter, have been so fatigued out by repeated calls and continued service, and disaffection is now so widely diffused, that very few can be called out, in some places, none. we have no troops of light horse regularly embodied, there is a scarcity of small arms among us, and no field pieces. That in these two incursions, we have very sensibly felt the want of field pieces and artillery men, that the number of us assembled is so small, that though we should use the greatest conduct and bravery, we could only provoke, not injure our enemy.

That the extent of our country is so great, that our small number of men fatigued out, indifferently armed and without field pieces, cannot defend it. That, as Delaware runs all along those counties, we are liable to be attacked in numberless places.

VOL. III.

d

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That the acquisition of these counties would be of great advantage to the enemy. That they could nearly maintain their whole army a campaign by the plunder, forage, and assistance they could draw from them. That although the United States might not need them, yet it might perhaps be advisable to defend them, to prevent the advan tage the enemy might receive from them. That our riches, and former virtue, make us a prey to an enemy, whose tender mercies are cruelties.

That in short, our situation is beyond description deplorable. That the powers civil and military are daily relax. ing, and disaffection prevailing. That we can neither stay at our houses, go out, nor come in with safety. That we can neither plough, plant, sow, reap nor gather. That we are fast falling into poverty, distress, and into the hands of our enemy. That unless there can be sent to our relief and assistance a sufficient body of standing troops, we must be under the disagreeable necessity of leaving the country to the enemy, and removing ourselves and families to distant places for safety. That although the present detachment may be fled and gone, before the relief reaches us, yet a body of troops are necessary for our protection, as long as the enemy possess Philadelphia. And these are the sentiments not only of us the subscribers, but of all the rest of the officers civil and military, and other the good subjects of this state in these counties.

NOTE....No. XI....See page 535. Subsequent to the copies of the bills which were sent over before their passage into laws, letters had been received from lord Howe and sir Henry Clinton, enclosing the acts themselves, to which congress returned the following an

swer:

"My lord,

"I have had the honour to lay your lordship's letter of May 27, with the acts of the British parliament enclosed, before congress, and I am instructed to acquaint your lordship, that they have already expressed their sen

27

timents upon bills not essentially different from those acts, in a publication of the 22d of April last.

"Your lordship may be assured, that when the king of Great Britain shall be seriously disposed to put an end to the unprovoked and cruel war waged against these United States, congress will readily attend to such terms of peace as may consist with the honour of independent nations, the interest of their constituents, and the sacred regard they mean to pay to treaties.

"I have the honour to be, &c.

"To admiral lord Howe."

President.

A similar letter was addressed to sir Henry Clinton.

NOTE....No. XII....See page 580.

The following is the report made by the committee: January 1, 1779. The committee appointed to confer with the commander in chief on the operations of the next campaign, report, that the plan proposed by congress for the emancipation of Canada, in co-operation with an army from France, was the principal subject of the said conference.

That, impressed with a strong sense of the injury and disgrace which must attend an infraction of the proposed stipulations, on the part of these states, your committee have taken a general review of our finances, of the circumstances of our army, of the magazines of clothes artillery, arms, and ammunition, and of the provisions in store, and which can be collected in season.

Your committee have also attentively considered the intelligence and observations communicated to them by the commander in chief, respecting the number of troops and strong holds of the enemy in Canada; their naval force, and entire command of the water communication with that country....the difficulties, while they possess such signal advantages, of penetrating it with an army by .land....the obstacles which are to be surmounted in acquiring a naval superiority....the hostile temper of many of the surrounding Indian tribes towards these

states, and above all the uncertainty whether the enemy will not persevere in their system of harassing and distressing our seacoast and frontiers by a predatory war.

That on the most mature deliberation, your committee cannot find room for a well grounded presumption that these states will be able to perform their part of the proposed stipulations. That in a measure of such moment, calculated to call forth, and direct to a single object a considerable portion of the force of our ally, which may otherwise be essentially employed, nothing else than the highest probability of success could justify congress in making the proposition.

Your committee are therefore of opinion that the negotiation in question, however desirable, and interesting, should be deferred until circumstances render the co-operation of these states more certain, practicable, and effectual.

That the minister plenipotentiary of these states at the court of Versailles, the minister of France in Pennsylvania, and the minister of France, be respectively informed that the operations of the next campaign must depend on such a variety of contingencies to arise, as well from our own internal circumstances and resources, as the progress and movements of our enemy, that time alone can mature and point out the plan which ought to be pursued. That congress, therefore, cannot, with a degree of confidence answerable to the magnitude of the object, decide or the practicability of their co-operating the next campaign, in an enterprise for the emancipation of Canada, that every preparation in our power will nevertheless be made for acting with vigour against the common enemy, and every favourable incident embraced with alacrity, to facilitate, and hasten the freedom and independence of Canada, and her union with these states.....events which congress, from motives of policy with respect to the United States, as well as of affection for their Canadian brethren, have greatly at heart.