9 mind, the disagreeable situation, which confidential letters, when exposed to public inspection, may place an unsuspecting correspondent in; but, as a public officer, I conjure your excellency, to give me all the assistance you can, in tracing out the author of the infidelity, which put extracts from general Conway's letters to me into your hands. Those letters have been stealingly copied; but, which of them, when, or by whom, is to me, as yet, an unfathomable secret. There is not one officer in my suite, or amongst those who have a free access to me, upon whom I could, with the least justification to myself, fix the suspicion; and yet, my uneasiness may deprive me of the usefulness of the worthiest men. It is, I believe, in your excellency's power to do me, and the United States, a very important service, by detecting a wretch who may betray me, and capitally injure the very operations under your immediate direction. For this reason, sir, I beg your excellency will favour me with the proofs you can procure to that effect. But, the crime being, eventually, so important, that the least loss of time may be attended with the worst consequences; and, it being unknown to me whether the letter came to you from a member of congress, or from an officer, I shall have the honour of transmitting a copy of this to the president, that congress may, in concert with your excellency, obtain, as soon as possible, a discovery which so deeply affects the safety of the states. Crimes of that magnitude ought not to remain unpunished. I have the honour to be, With the greatest respect, Your excellency's most humble His excellency general Washington. Sir, Valley Forge, January 4, 1778. Your letter of the 18th ultimo, came to my hands a few days ago, and to my great surprise informed me, that a copy of it had been sent to congress, for what reason, I find myself unable to account; but, as some end doubtless was intended to be answered by it, I am laid under the disagreeable necessity of returning my answer through the same channel, lest any member of that honourable body should harbour an unfavourable suspicion of my having practised some indirect means to come at the contents of the confidential letters between you and general Conway. I am to inform you then, that ********** on his way to congress in the month of October last, fell in with lord Stirling at Reading: and, not in confidence that I ever understood, informed his aid-du-camp, major M'Williams, that general Conway had written thus to you, ❝ heaven has been determined to save your country or a weak general and bad counsellors* would have ruined it." Lord Stirling, from motives of friendship, transmitted the account with this remark. "The enclosed was communicated by *** to major M'Williams; such wicked duplicity of conduct I shall always think it my duty to detect." In consequence of this information, and without having any thing more in view, than merely to show that gentleman that I was not unapprized of his intriguing disposition, I wrote him a letter in these words. "Sir, a letter which I received last night contained the following paragraph. "In a letter from general Conway to general Gates, he says, heaven has been determined to save your country; or a weak general and bad counsellors would have ruined I am, sir, &c." it. * One of whom, by the by, he was. 11 Neither the letter, nor the information which occasioned it, was ever, directly, or indirectly, communicated by me to a single officer in this army (out of my own family) excepting the marquis de La Fayette, who having been spoken to on the subject, by general Conway, applied for, and saw, under injunctions of secrecy, the letter which contained this information; so desirous was I of concealing every matter that could, in its consequences, give the smallest interruption to the tranquillity of this army, or afford a gleam of hope to the enemy by dissensions therein. Thus, sir, with an openness and candour, which I hope will ever characterize and mark my conduct, have I complied with your request. The only concern I feel upon the occasion, finding how matters stand, is, that in doing this, I have necessarily been obliged to name a gentleman, who, I am persuaded, (although I never exchanged a word with him upon the subject) thought he was rather doing an act of justice, than committing an act of infidelity; and sure I am, that, until lord Sterling's letter came to my hands, I never knew that general Conway, (whom I viewed in the light of a stranger to you) was a correspondent of yours, much less did I suspect that I was the subject of your confidential letters. Pardon me then for adding, that, so far from conceiving that the safety of the states can be affected, or in the smallest degree injured, by a discovery of this kind, or that I should be called upon in such solemn terms to point out the author, that I considered the information as coming from yourself, and given with a friendly view to forewarn, and consequently forearm me, against a secret enemy, or in other words, a dangerous incendiary, in which character sooner or later, this country will know general Conway. But, in this, as well as other matters of late, I have found myself mistaken. I am, sir, Your most obedient servant, G. WASHINGTON. To major general Gates. 12 During the existence of this faction, an attempt appears to have been made to alienate the affections of the leading political characters in the States from the commander in chief. The following letters exhibit a very unsuccessful. effort of this sort, which was made on governor Henry, of Virginia, by a gentleman not supposed to be a member of congress from that state. You will no doubt be surprised at seeing the enclosed letter, in which the encomiums bestowed on me are as undeserved, as the censures aimed at you, are unjust. I am sorry there should be one man who counts himself my friend, who is not yours. Perhaps I give you needless trouble in handing you this paper. The writer of it may be too insignificant to deserve any notice. If I knew this to be the case, I should not have intruded on your time, which is so precious. But there may possibly be some scheme or party forming to your prejudice. The enclosed leads to such a suspicion. Believe me, sir, I have too high a sense of the obligations America has to you, to abet or countenance so unworthy a proceeding. The most exalted merit hath ever been found to attract envy. But I please myself with the hope, that the same fortitude and greatness of mind which have hitherto braved all the difficulties and dangers inseparable from your station, will rise superior to every attempt of the envious partizan. I really cannot tell who is the writer of this letter, which not a little perplexes me. The hand writing is altogether strange to me. To give you the trouble of this, gives me pain. It would suit my inclination better, to give you some assistance in the great business of the war. But I will not conceal any thing from you, by which you may be affected, for I really think your personal welfare and the happi ness of America are intimately connected. I beg you will be assured of that high regard and esteem with which I ever am, Dear sir, The common danger of our country first brought you and me together. I recollect with pleasure the influence of your conversation and eloquence upon the opinions of this country in the beginning of the present controversy. You first taught us to shake off our idolatrous attachment to royalty, and to oppose its encroachments upon our liberties with our very lives. By these means you saved us from ruin. The independence of America is the offspring of that liberal spirit of thinking, and acting, which followed the destruction of the spectres of kings and the mighty power of Great Britain. But, sir, we have only passed the Red Sea. A dreary wilderness is still before us, and unless a Moses or a Joshua are raised up in our behalf, we must perish before we reach the promised land. We have nothing to fear from our enemies on the way. General Howe, it is true, has taken Philadelphia; but he has only changed his pri son. His dominions are bounded on all sides by his outsentries. America can only be undone by herself. She looks up to her councils and arms, for protection; but alas! what are they? her representation in congress dwindled to only twenty-one members....her Adams....her Wilson....her Henry, are no more among them. Her councils weak....and partial remedies applied constantly for universal diseases. Her army....what is it? a major general belonging to it called it a few days ago in my |