of Lamb," "Lamb's Commonplace Books," "Lamb's Books," and "John Lamb's Poetical Pieces,"" are full of interest; but of equal value with any of these, and more valuable than the last, would have been a Lamb bibliography, especially since neither the preface nor the body of the book makes perfectly clear exactly what and how much new material has been drawn upon in the present work.

A few slight errors of execution, amid so much excellence of design, may be noted for correction in a second edition. "The late Mrs. Coe, born Elizabeth Hunt of Widford," and "Mrs. Augustus DeMorgan, born Sophia Frend," attract attention as examples of extraordinary parental prevision. Uncertainty as to sex, if no other reason, commonly acts as a hindrance to the pre-natal christening of offspring. "Few "Few journalists but he" grates on the grammatical ear. The first page of Appendix II. tells us that "the best of all Lamb's commonplace books has been printed the Specimens of English Dramatic Poets"; but the very next page declares on the other hand that "the best of Lamb's commonplace books is the large-paper copy of Holcroft's Travels." A curious instance of miscopying or misprinting, whereby the exact opposite of the intended sense is conveyed, occurs in a passage from a letter to Wordsworth descriptive of the guileless and lovable George Dyer. "But with envy, they [the gods] excited curiosity also," is what we read. The original letter, as edited by W. Carew Hazlitt, has “excided” instead of "excited." Other slips are met with, probably mere typographical errors for the most part. The index to this work is unusually exhaustive, filling fifty-eight closely-printed double-column pages, and the illustrations are of more than passing interest. PERCY F. BICKNELL.

EUROPEAN DIPLOMACY IN ITS
BEGINNINGS.*

The raison d'être of Dr. Hill's "History of Diplomacy," as given by the author in his preface, is that, although special questions and particular periods of diplomatic history have been ably presented, no general history of European diplomacy exists in any language. At the outset the author was confronted with two

practical problems of no small moment. The

A HISTORY OF DIPLOMACY IN THE INTERNATIONAL DEVELOPMENT OF EUROPE. By David Jayne Hill, LL.D. Volume I., The Struggle for Universal Empire. New York: Longmans, Green, & Co.

first arose out of the vast field of research presented by the archives now at the command of the investigator. The second was to determine the proper point of departure. Dr. Hill cannot accept the Peace of Westphalia as the starting point of diplomacy, but rather it must be regarded as the result of long preparation.

Accepting this view, Dr. Hill begins his story with a description of the organization of Europe under the old Roman Empire. The system of government is described at some length because it furnished the model for the organization of the church, which was the next power to aim at universality. Even amid all the confusion of the Barbarian invasions this idea of universal empire never lost its hold upon the imagination of thinking men. The significance of the socalled fall of the empire (476 A. D.) lies in this, "that it serves to fix in the mind the substitution of local and racial authority in western Europe in place of the waning influence of universal imperial rule." It separates the period of the old Empire from that long period of change and effort to secure order through the organization of the Barbarian kingdoms, the revived Empire, feudalism, the influence of the church, which finally resulted in the great national states of

modern times.

One of the most interesting studies in European history is the birth of the modern states and their realization of nationality through a slow and painful process. The idea of universal empire had so dominated the world that the new idea had a desperate fight for existence. The old idea did not perish in a day, with the fall of Rome; for some time longer the West felt itself a part of the Empire which centered about Byzantium. To be outside the Empire was to be outside the pale of civilization. With such unity there could be no real field for diplomacy. But gradually the feeling of real unity became less strong. The East looked down upon the West as barbarian, and religious differences became more and more accentuated. The headship of Rome in religion was now asserted, and the Pope claimed the supremacy for himself over all the orthodox West, and at times even asserted it over the Arian heretics of the East.

But even this claim was not put forth in its entirety all at once. It arose somewhat gradually from the actual condition of things. For a time the Pope remained at least the nominal subject of the eastern Empire, but soon became the only effective authority in Italy. Finally, when Leo III. put his ban upon image worship in Rome, opposition broke out into open rebel

lion. Papal diplomacy now had its birth in the policy of Gregory II., who wished neither to destroy the Lombard power, when Liutprand was seeking to unite Italy in one kingdom, nor to annihilate the influence of the Emperor, but rather to increase his own prestige by playing off the one against the other. As the interest and power of the eastern Emperor decreased in the west a substitute had to be provided to check the Lombards, and this Gregory III. found in Pepin, King of the Franks. This marks the first instance of interference in Italian affairs by a northern prince,—a practice followed thereafter for centuries, to the detriment of both nations. The Pope was seeking to establish his own temporal rule in Italy, and in so doing inaugurated a policy which was a strong barrier to national growth. It was not until more than half a century after the last of the phantom emperors that Germany and Italy realized national unity.

The usurpation of the imperial chair by a woman, Irene, gave a fitting opportunity to revive the empire in the west. Disorder had become chronic in Italy. In the hope of securing a power capable of curing this, the Pope crowned Charlemagne on Christmas day, 800, and invested him with the diadem of the Cæsars, only it was now the "Holy Roman Empire." But herein were sown the seeds of a long and bitter contest, the struggle for supremacy between the Empire and the Papacy. Should the Popes be allowed to make and unmake temporal rulers, or should they be subject to the civil power? Along with this went the great question as to whether the world empire should live again, or whether great states should develop along national lines.

One thing which boded well for the growth of nationalities was the custom of dividing kingdoms by inheritance, like so much real estate. After the death of Charlemagne his great empire was divided up. After a contest among his heirs, diplomacy was called into play, and an arrangement effected at Verdun which Dr. Hill thinks "the most important international document ever written" in its influence upon European history. On the west was a territory of tolerable geographic and ethnic unity which was soon to develop into the powerful state of France; on the east the territory of the later Germany. In between, the kingdom of the Emperor Lothaire stretched from Holland to Rome, possessing neither ethnic nor geographic unity. Upon the death of Lothaire his uncles of the east and west divided up his inheritance

and began to court the favor of the Pope for the imperial dignity.

It is not to be presumed that Rome was an indifferent spectator to these struggles. Even her own citizens were divided, some contending for the civic freedom of the city, others for the supremacy of the Pope, and still others for the supremacy of the Emperor. As a result, Italy was the scene of disorder after the coronation of Charles the Bold. There the conflict of authority was sharpest. ity was sharpest. The whole story of Italian politics was summed up in an epigram by the Bishop of Cremona, "The Italians always wish to have two masters, in order to hold each of them in check by the other." In attempting to follow this principle for the conservation of its own power, the papacy sometimes gained, but often fell a victim to the general anarchy.

Passing over the greater part of this struggle, it is interesting to come to the appearance of Venice on the scene as practically marking the birth of modern diplomacy. There, in May, 1177, met "the first European congress in which independent civic communities had ever freely represented their own rights in the presence of princes the prototype of the great international congresses of a later time." Venice was careful to select men of eminent qualification to represent her interests, to instruct them in the arts of diplomacy, and consequently soon became "the school and touchstone of ambassadors." Secrecy and urbanity were the cardinal principles of Venetian diplomacy, and this system was soon to be put in practice by all the Italian states, the numerous city-states so heterogeneous in character and inspired by motives so diverse. Each city within itself was the seat of intrigue, owing to the mutually hostile elements of tradesmen, artisans, the official aristocracy, and the feudal nobles whose swords threatened the population in the streets. espionage and intrigue of partisans within the city were extended to the relations with neighboring cities. "To know the intentions of one's neighbor, to defeat his hostile designs, to form alliances with his enemies, to steal away his friends, and to prevent his union with others, became matters of the highest public interest. Less costly than war, diplomacy now, in large measure, superseded it with plot and counterplot." And when these failed, the foreigner was called in to increase the general complication.

The

Out of this system was born the conception of "equilibrium" as a necessity of defense. The transitory alliances and counter-alliances of the Italian princes and republics give us the real

"prototype and epitome of what all Europe was soon to become upon a grander scale." The natural correlate of all this would have been a code of public law to regulate the intercourse of these states with each other, but such a thing was not yet possible. The moral sense did not demand it, but its birth was witnessed on the sea, where the demands of commerce made it imperative. The customs of the sea were reduced to writing in the "Tables of Amalfi," which later gave place to the "Consolato de Mare"-the "first example of law international among the nations of Europe."

Such in its larger outlines is the story Dr. Hill has told in his first volume. In reality it contains a great deal of matter which has only a very remote connection with diplomacy. If it were really new, it might be justified as necessary to a proper understanding of the main theme, but a great deal of it is not new, and indeed may be found in the ordinary text-books on European history. Despite the formidable array of sources and authorities cited at the end of each chapter, the work does not impress one as making any really noteworthy contribution to historical knowledge. It is valuable, however, for bringing into one view the larger facts of the period treated, and emphasizing their influence upon the growth of national states. Much may be expected of the succeeding volumes, which will deal with a period when diplomacy was coming into its own.

DAVID Y. THOMAS.

THE DOYEN OF ENGLISH NATURALISTS. *

The Victorian age, whatever its shortcomings, will always be remembered for the brilliancy of its scientific achievements. What the twentieth century may have in store for us, it is too early to predict; but it is difficult to believe that anything will be accomplished more important for intellectual progress than the establishment of

the doctrine of evolution on a scientific basis.

This great work is justly credited to Darwin, but with his name must always be linked that of Wallace, who independently thought out the theory on which Darwin's work is based.

Dr. Wallace occupies a unique position among scientific men. Born in 1823, he has not only witnessed great changes in scientific opinion, but has had a large share in bringing them about. Living most of his life in comparative

*MY LIFE. A Record of Events and Opinions. By Alfred Russel Wallace. In two volumes. Illustrated. New York: Dodd, Mead & Co.

isolation, and never being tied down as many men are by professional or official custom and etiquette, he has always been recognized as an independent. Orthodoxy is not peculiar to the church; it is a tendency common to all organizations, and in a large measure necessary for their continuance. At the same time, it is a perpetual obstacle to progress, and the heterodox are the true prophets of the dawn. Dr. Wallace has lived to see part of his once heterodox opinions become orthodox, while others are still rejected by the majority as unworthy of consideration. Consequently, to the ordinary "well-behaved" scientist, he seems to be a sort of double personality, a mixture of genius and absurdity.

In the case of any man of great intellectual power, it is not to be expected that all his opinions will be justified by subsequent knowledge. Darwin was undoubtedly in error in respect to certain matters; and presumably the same will have to be said of Wallace. But this should not blind us for a moment to the immense service performed, or should we hastily assume that the opinion of the day is correct. I recall a little matter which well illustrates Dr. Wallace's power of reasoning, and at the same time the shortsightedness of naturalists. Some fifteen years ago there was in preparation a new edition of "Island Life," in which Dr. Wallace discussed the animals of the British Islands, and argued that there ought to be some species and varieties peculiar to Britain. Lists of supposed peculiar forms were prepared, but zoölogists and botanists were alike skeptical. Some were "probably not distinct," others "would general attitude was one of incredulity or even certainly be found on the continent." The contempt. Since that time, however, particular groups have been studied much more carefully than ever before (following the methods introduced by certain American naturalists), and although it is true that some of the kinds formerly listed must be stricken out, a whole series of insular forms has been detected among the mammals, which were supposed to be "perfectly known"! Only last year, even, a very new species of mouse was recorded. Dr. Wallace has thus been justified beyond his expectations, and when the same careful methods are applied to the whole of the British fauna and flora, the results will no doubt be such as would make the orthodox nineteenth-century naturalist stare.

distinct

I refer to this matter, because I have some personal knowledge of it, and because it shows

how facts which are perfectly evident when brought to light, may remain undiscovered beneath our very noses.

Probably the most objectionable of Dr. Wallace's opinions, in the eyes of orthodox science, are those relative to spirtualism. Without knowing anything particular about the matter, most people will exhaust their language of abuse upon this subject. Those scientific men who reject the whole body of evidence are proclaimed as sound of mind, though their methods of research have been such as would be called may ridiculous if applied to any other subject. Those who become convinced that there is something not explained by known "laws of nature are held to have "a screw loose somewhere," though they may be known masters in research, such as Crookes, Oliver Lodge, William James, and Wallace. It is perfectly evident, and thoroughly recognized by all those who have given much attention to the matter, that the laws governing spiritual existence cannot at present be defined. It is held that the "supernatural" is as "natural" as anything else, but it is confessedly difficult to comprehend. Some day, perhaps, there will arise a Darwin of spiritualism, who will put the whole subject on an intelligible basis; and then it will be seen that we were groping in the dark before like the preDarwinian evolutionists.

It will be clear to the reader that the life of such a man as Wallace cannot fail to be of surpassing interest. Like Herbert Spencer, he has chosen to present it to us in considerable detail,

and with absolute frankness. In it, we trace the development of generalizations from apparently trivial beginnings, and are presented with a picture of past times, which seem now so remote as to be almost prehistoric. There is a good deal of matter in the book which does not strike one as being particularly valuable or important; but on the other hand, the variety of subjects discussed, and the wide human interests of the author, cause it to appeal to a far larger circle than the usual biography of a man engaged in the investigation of technical matters. The splendid courage and honesty exhibited cannot fail to be inspiring, even to those who do not agree with the views advocated. They teach a lesson which is sorely needed by the present generation, with its altogether too slavish subservience to the powers that be. It is interesting to find that with all this, there went a shyness and timidity in the presence of others, which was never quite overcome. In discussing certain humiliating and ill-suited punish

ments of childhood, attention is called to the ght of each individual to have his personality respected, even in blame. It is remarked that this is far better recognized in China and Japan than with us.

"With them this principle is taught from childhood, and pervades every class of society, while with us it was only recognized by the higher classes, and by them rarely extended to inferiors or to children. The feeling that demands this recognition is certainly strong in many children, and those who have suffered under the failure of their elders to respect it, can well appreciate the agony of shame endured by the more civilized Eastern peoples, whose feelings are so often outraged by the total absence of all respect shown them by their European masters or conquerors. In thus recognizing the sanctity of this deepest of human feelings these people manifest a truer phase of civilization than we have Even savages often surpass us in this

attained to.

respect." (Vol. 1, p. 62.)

The author's travels in South America and the

Malay Archipelago are not described at great length, because he long ago published books about them. The best part of his South American collection was lost through the burning of the ship on the homeward voyage, of which a graphic account is given. Only some drawings of palms and fishes were saved; the latter have recently been examined by a specialist, and it turns out that many of the species have never been obtained again to this day. A short chapter is devoted to the memory of H. E. Wallace, a brother of Dr. Wallace, who went out to Brazil to assist him in his work, and died of yellow fever at Para. Herbert Wallace was not a nat

and uralist, but was very fond of writing verse, several of his productions are printed. In one of them we find the lines:

The dread mosquito bites Inflames the blood with fever," etc. At that time, of course, it was wholly unknown that the mosquito carried the germ of yellow fever; but these lines seem curiously prophetic.

The journey to the Malay region was more successful from every point of view. The materials obtained were enormous, including almost innumerable new species. Some of the insects have not been described yet, from the lack of specialists to study them.

Although Darwin and Wallace might have been considered rivals, the fact that they had independently worked out the same theory never led to anything but warm friendship between them. Each always tried to give the fullest credit to the other, and Wallace called his book on the theory of evolution " Darwinism." Stress has sometimes been laid on the fact that Wallace disagreed with Darwin about several matters;

these are discussed fully in the Life, but it is shown that they were insignificant in compari son with the great and fundamental agreement. Darwin's last letter to Dr. Wallace is given, and the latter adds this interesting comment: “This letter is to me, perhaps, the most interesting I ever received from Darwin, since it shows that it was only the engrossing interests of his scientific and literary work, performed under the drawback of almost constant ill-health, that prevented him from taking a more active part in the discussion of those social and political questions that so deeply affect the lives and happiness of the great bulk of the people. It is a great satisfaction that his last letter to me, written within nine months of his death, and terminating a correspondence which had extended over a quarter of a century, should be so cordial, so sympathetic, and broad-minded.” (Vol. 2, p. 15.)

In 1886-7 Dr. Wallace visited America, travelling from the Atlantic to the Pacific. He gives a full account of his experiences, with many observations on matters biological and sociological. I should like to quote his conclusions at some length, but it is impossible in a short notice. While enthusiastically admiring the grandeur and beauty of the Rocky Mountains, the Californian Sierras, and other regions, and fully appreciating the good qualities of America and Americans, he deplores the spread of sordid commercialism, and the way in which man has in so many places destroyed the beauty of nature. The same is true in England, he says: "Both countries are creating ugliness, both are destroying beauty; but in America it is done on a larger scale and with a more hideous monotony" (p. 193.)

The book is well illustrated; but one cannot help wishing that instead of some of the plates which have little to do with the narrative, or little intrinsic value, we could have been favored with portraits of some of the great naturalists with whom the author was associated, for instance, as Bates and Spruce.

such,

T. D. A. COCKERELL.

STUDIES IN FRENCH LITERATURE.*

The agreeable and informing essays that make up Mr. Gosse's recent volume of "French Profiles" are not new. Most of them have appeared in print before, and some of them date back nearly twenty years. But readers of Mr. Gosse's other books and those who, had the pleasure of reading these essays on their first appearance will not be disposed to complain that

FRENCH PROFILES, By Edmund Gosse. New York: Dodd, Mead & Co.

they are now rescued from their hiding places in magazines and reviews and given a more accessible abiding place in a book, as befits their eminently companionable nature. In subject they range all the way from the "Portuguese Letters," those passionate outpourings of devotion and indignant reproach with which, from her convent at Beja, the abandoned" Mariana in the South" pursued the receding footsteps of the conquering and inconstant Marquis de Chamilly, and which came from the press almost at the same moment with the Tartuffe of Molière, to the poetic novelties of the year 1904; and in scope from the full length silhouette, like the studies of Alfred de Vigny, Mademoiselle Aissé, Alphonse Daudet, Barbey d'Aurevilly, and Ferdinand Fabre, to the few swift strokes with which a feature or an expression is caught and fixed, as in the pages devoted to Mallarmé, Albert Samain, M. Emile Verhaeren, and M. Paul Fort, or to recent books of M. Paul Bourget, M. Pierre Loti, M. Henri de Régnier, and M. Anatole France. Not the least welcome is the sketch that informs us about the modest (in every sense) beginnings of one of the newest immortals, M. René Bazin; and not the least interesting is the study of the short stories of Zola, in which Mr. Gosse discovers that deep spring of idealism that put on strange disguises in the novels of the Rougon-Macquart series, but asserted itself so clearly in his last works.

In spite of this wide variety of theme and complete lack of sequence and connection between the papers, the resulting book does not lack a certain kind of unity. This results partly from the unfailing qualities of Mr. Gosse's style; and partly from the point of view from which the subject is uniformly regarded, which is the "incomplete and indirect" point of view of "one who paints a face in profile." If the task essayed is thus a modest and restricted one, it is not on that account easy. The two blocks of stumbling are clearly indicated in the preface when Mr. Gosse thus defines his purpose:

"I have tried to preserve that attitude of sympathy, of general comprehension, for the lack of which some English criticism of foreign authors has been valueless, because proceeding from a point of view so far out of focus as to make its whole presentation false; and yet I have remembered that it is a foreigner that takes the portrait, and that it is for a foreign audience, not for a native one.

"What I have sought in every case to do is to give an impression of the figure before me which shall be in general harmony with the tradition of French criticism, but at the same time to preserve that independence which is the right of a foreign observer, and to illustrate the peculiarities of my subject by references to English poetry and prose.'