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but one extract from his writings. That selected is a chapter from the Algerine Captive. The author, in this instance, appears as a surgeon on board of a slaver. The title of the chapter is

"TREATMENT OF THE SLAVES ON BOARD THE SHIP.-Of one hundred and fifty Africans, we rejected seventeen, as not merchantable. While I was doubting which to lament most, those who were about being precipitated into all the miseries of an American slavery, or those whom we had rejected, as too wretched for slaves, Captain Russell was congratulating the slave contractors upon the immense good luck they had, in not suffering more by this lot of human creatures. I understood that, what from wounds received by some of these miserable creatures at their capture, or in their violent struggles for liberty, or attempts at suicide; with the fatigue of a long journey, partly over the burning sands of a sultry climate, it was usual to estimate the loss in the passage to the sea-shore, at twenty-five per

cent.

"No sooner was the purchase completed, than these wretched Africans were transported in herds aboard the ship, and immediately precipitated between decks, where a strong chain, attached to a staple in the lower deck, was riveted to the bar, before described; and then the men were chained in pairs, and also handcuffed, and two sailors with cutlasses guarded every twenty: while the women and children were tied together in pairs with ropes, and obliged to supply the men with provisions, and the slush bucket; or, if the young women were released, it was only to gratify the brutal lust of the sailors: for, though I cannot say I ever was witness to an actual rape, yet the frequent shrieks of these forlorn females in the berths of the seamen, left me little charity to doubt of the repeated commission of that degrading crime. The eve after we had received the slaves on board, all hands were piped on deck, and ordered to assist in manufacturing and knotting cat-o'-nine-tails, the application of which, I was informed, was always necessary to bring the slaves to their appetite. The night after they came on board, was spent by these wretched people in sobbings, groans, tears, and the most heart-rending bursts of sorrow and despair. The next morning, all was still. Surprised by this unexpected silence, I almost hoped that Providence, in pity to these her miserable children, had permitted some kindly suffocation to put a period to their anguish. It was neither novel nor unex

pected to the ship's crew. 'It is only the dumb fit come on,' cried every one; we will cure them.' After breakfast, the whole ship's crew went between decks, and carried with them the provisions for the slaves, which they one and all refused to eat. A more affecting group of misery was never seen. These injured Africans, preferring death to slavery, or perhaps buoyed above the fear of dissolution by their religion, which taught them to look with an eye of faith to a country beyond the grave, where they should again meet the friends and relatives, from whose endearments they had been torn, and where no fiend should torment, or Christian thirst for gold, had, wanting other means, resolved to starve themselves, and every eye lowered the fixed resolve of this deadly intent. In vain were the men beaten. They refused to taste one mouthful; and, I believe, would have died under the operation, if the ingenious cruelty of the clerk, Randolph, had not suggested the plan of whipping the women and children in sight of the men; assuring the men they should be tormented until all had eaten. What the torments, exercised on the bodies of these brave Africans, failed to produce, the feelings of nature effected. The negro, who could undauntedly expire under the anguish of the lash, could not view the agonies of his wife, child, or his mother; and, though repeatedly encouraged by these female sufferers, unmoved by their torments, to persevere unto death; yet, though the man dared to die, the father relented, and in a few hours, they all ate their provisions, mingled with their tears.

"Our slave dealers being unable to fulfil their contract, unless we tarried three weeks longer, our captain concluded to remove to some other market. We accordingly weighed anchor, and steered for Benin, and anchored in the river Formosa, where we took in one hundred and fifteen more slaves. The same process in the purchase was pursued here; and, though I frequently assured the captain, as a physician, that it was impracticable to stow fifty more persons between decks, without endangering health and life, the whole hundred and fifteen were thrust with the rest, between decks. The stagnant confined air of this infernal hole, rendered more deleterious by the stench of the fæces, and violent perspiration of such a crowd, occasioned putrid diseases; and even while in the mouth of the Formosa, it was usual to throw one or two Negro corpses over every day. It was in vain I remonstrated to the captain. In vain I enforced the necessity of more commodious berths, and a more free influx

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of air for the slaves. In vain I represented, that these miserable people had been used to the vegetable diet and pure air of a country life; that at home they were remarkable for cleanliness of person, the very rites of their religion consisting almost entirely in frequent ablutions. The captain was, by this time, prejudiced against me. He observed that he did not doubt my skill, and would be bound by my advice, as to the health of those on board his ship, when he found I was actuated by the interest of the owners; but, he feared, that I was now moved by some Yankee nonsense about humanity.

"Randolph, the clerk, blamed me in plain terms. He said he had made seven African voyages, and with as good surgeons as I was; and that it was their common practice, when an infectious disorder prevailed among the slaves, to make critical search for all those who had the slightest symptoms of it, or whose habits of body inclined them to it; to tie them up and cast them over the ship's side together, and thus, at one dash, to purify the ship. What signifies,' added he, the lives of the black devils? They love to die. You cannot please them better than by chucking them into the water.'

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"When we stood out to sea, the rolling of the vessel brought on the sea-sickness, which increased the filth. The weather being rough, we were obliged to close some of the ports which ventilated the space between decks; and death raged dreadfully among the slaves. Above two thirds were diseased. It was affecting to observe the ghastly smile on the countenance of the dying African, as if rejoicing to escape the cruelty of his oppressors. I noticed one man, who gathered all his strength, and, in one last effort, spoke with great emphasis, and expired. I understood by the linguist, that, with his dying breath, he invited his wife, and a boy and girl to follow him quickly, and slake their thirst with him at the cool streams of their Great Father, beyond the reach of the wild white beasts. The captain was now alarmed for the success of his voyage; and upon my urging the necessity of landing the slaves, he ordered the ship about, and we anchored near an uninhabited part of the gold coast, I conjecture not far from Cape St. Paul.

"Tents were erected on the shore, and the sick landed. Under my direction they recovered surprisingly. It was affecting to see the effect gentle usage had upon these hitherto sullen, obstinate people. As I had the sole direction of the hospital, they looked on me as the source of this sudden transition from the

filth and rigor of the ship, to the cleanliness and kindness of the shore. Their gratitude was excessive. When they recovered so far as to walk out, happy was he, who could, by picking a few berries, gathering the wild fruits of the country, or doing any menial services, manifest his affection for me. Our linguist has told me, he has often heard them behind the bushes, praying to their God for my prosperity, and asking him with earnestness, why he put my good black soul into a white body. In twelve days all the convalescents were returned to the ship, except five who staid with me on shore, and were to be taken on board the next day."*

Sam Wells

SAMUEL WELLS.

WITH the history of Cumberland county, the name of Col. Samuel Wells is closely connected. He was the son of Jonathan Wells and Mary, his second wife, and was born at Deerfield, Massachusetts, on the 9th of September, 1730. He had three brothers, Jonathan, David and Oliver, and two sisters, Mary and Rebecca. He married Hannah Sheldon, and in July, 1762, settled in Brattleborough on a farm of six hundred acres, situated about a mile north of the East village. Here was born his family of thirteen children, two of whom died in infancy. The remaining five sons and six daughters, all, with the exception of one daughter, married in Brattleborough. A grant of twelve hundred acres of land in Canada having been made to each of them by the Crown, as a compensation for the losses which Colonel Wells had suffered during the Revolution on account of his adherence to the King, they all removed thither between the years 1798 and 1802. The daughters were married to Samuel Gale, Ephraim Nash, Micah Townsend, Jonathan Gorton, Nathaniel Church, and Ephraim Stimpson. None of Col. Wells's children, bearing his name, were ever prominent men, nor yet of his sons-in-law, with the exception of Samuel Gale, who married Rebecca, his first daughter, and Micah Townsend, who married his third daughter.

*The Algerine Captive, ed. 1797, i. 195–204.

At the time of his removal to Brattleborough, the population of that portion of the New Hampshire Grants, was small and sparse, and many of the pioneers of civilization were contented when they were so fortunate as to secure a roof for shelter and food to sustain life. The condition of Colonel Wells was, however, superior to that of most of the early settlers of Vermont, and the influence of his character and position was for many years extensively acknowledged. Upon the establishment of Cumberland county by the government of New York, he was appointed a judge of the Inferior court of Common Pleas, a justice of the peace, and was authorized by a dedimus potestatem commission, to swear all who should take office in the county. The commissions issued in conformity with these appointments, were all dated the 17th of July, 1766, and he served under them until the authority from which they were derived ceased to be acknowledged by the people. During the same period he was the chief military man in the southern part of the county. When, in answer to the petition of the inhabitants of this district, the Council of New York, by an order dated the 23d of December, 1772, authorized them to choose two representatives to the General Assembly, Samuel Wells and Crean Brush were returned, and took their seats in the latter body on the 2d of February, 1773. As a memento of this election there is still preserved a note, written to Colonel Wells by John Bolton, who was probably a successful wire-puller, dated at "Westminster, June the 11th, 1773." It is to be regretted that the items covered by the word "Nesesares" were not stated. The note is in these words:

"Sir: I have paid unto Jont. Safford nine Shillings and Six pence Lawful money of the Bay Province, for Nesesares the People of Halifax had when they Come to Lextion if you wold be so good as to pay ye same to Mr. Whipple ye Bearer by next thursday so as he may bring it to me, you will much oblige your Humble Servt."

At the time of the "Massacre" at Westminster in 1775, Colonel Wells, although one of the court judges, was in attendance upon the General Assembly at New York, and was not aware of the circumstances connected with the development and results of the affray, until the arrival of the messengers who had been dispatched with the tidings. In connection with his colleague Brush, he is supposed to have been instrumental in preparing the depositions which were signed by the messen