NOMINATION OF SUB-TREASURER.

485 urer's office in New York as assistant to Mr. Cisco; he was thoroughly conversant with its duties, and had discharged them to the satisfaction alike of Mr. Cisco and of the Treasury, and because of the ability and business qualities displayed in this place had been transferred to Washington as an Assistant Secretary of the Treasury. His integrity was not questioned; he was recommended by Mr. Cisco and leading merchants and bankers of New York, and had the indorsement of all the Union members of Congress from New York, except of Mr. Morgan. But he was supposed to be a radical; which was not true, though he was of Democratic antecedents. It was perfectly well known, however, that he would make few or no changes in the officers and clerks of the sub-Treasurer's office; and this was, after all, the exact spot at which the shoe pinched.

On the 27th of June, three days before Mr. Cisco's resignation was to take effect, after Mr. Stewart had declined the office, and Mr. Chase had determined to offer it to Mr. Field, he called upon Mr. Morgan to confer with him about it. Mr. Morgan made no objection to Mr. Field; but said that the chairman of a Republican committee in New York had called upon him quite indignant about the political complexion of Mr. Cisco's office, and had insisted that it must be reformed. The Senator produced a list of all the officers and clerks in the office with letters set opposite the name of each, indicating the party affiliation of the person bearing it. Mr. Chase told Mr. Morgan that he did not suppose any considerable number of the persons in Mr. Cisco's office were opponents of Mr. Lincoln's Administration, though no doubt many of them were Democrats (and a good many on the list were marked D.) like Daniel S. Dickinson and John A. Dix. He said he could not admit the propriety of making the appointment of Assistant Treasurer in New York depend upon mere partisan or factional grounds. He was alarmed at the spirit manifested in the production of this list; feeling strongly that if the office was to be turned into any thing like a political machine the public interests would suffer, and his administration would be greatly embarrassed, if not irretrievably damaged. He said a good deal in this strain to the Senator; but the Senator did not seem satisfied with Mr. Chase's views, though apparently not very much dissatisfied either. In bringing the interview to a close, and as he

was about to leave, Mr. Chase said to Senator Morgan that he would consider what he-the Senator-had said, with every disposition to gratify his wishes if consistent with public interests. Mr. Chase did consider what the Senator had said, but his mind was not changed. That same evening he sent a blank nomination of Mr. Field to the President for signature—not doubting that the President would promptly sign it.

The next day, however, the Secretary received a note from Mr. Lincoln, expressing his reluctance to nominate Mr. Field, because of the persistent opposition of Senator Morgan. Mr. Chase replied by a note asking a personal interview; and afterward, not receiving an answer, by a letter and memorandum particularly stating his reasons for preferring Mr. Field. To this letter the President rejoined, stating the embarrassments to which he had been subjected by certain appointments in the New York Custom-house, and that the appointment of Mr. Field would create additional embarrassment of the same sort, unless Senator Morgan and those feeling as he did could be brought to concur in it. Mr. Chase took this to be a distinct declaration that it was necessary to satisfy Senator Morgan and Senator Morgan's friends, and it determined him at once to resign. He said he could not hold the office of Secretary of the Treasury upon condition that he should be controlled in the selection of so important an officer as Assistant Treasurer at New York by anybody other than the President, or without his permission to select from among loyal and faithful men the fittest man for that place who would accept it, and with whom his relations could be as cordial and confidential as they had been with Mr. Cisco. In a letter of reply to the President, he stated the general rule which, in his judgment, ought to govern selections for official trusts; and added that, although Mr. Cisco's temporary withdrawal1 relieved the immediate difficulty, he could not but feel that his continuance in the Treasury was not altogether agreeable to him—the President and was certainly too full of difficulty and embarrassment, and painful responsibility, to allow a wish on his part to retain it. He inclosed his resignation, therefore, and said it would be a relief if the President would accept it. This was on

1 In answer to a letter and telegram, Mr. Cisco had consented to remain another quarter.

THE CHIEF-JUSTICESHIP.

487 the 29th of June. On the 30th the President answered. Of all he had said in commendation of Mr. Chase's fidelity and ability, he said in that letter, he had nothing to unsay; but that Mr. Chase and himself had reached that point of mutual embarrassment in their official relations which, it seemed, could not be overcome consistently with the public service. He therefore accepted the resignation.

So ended Mr. Chase's career as Secretary of the Treasury.

Mr. Chief-Justice Taney died on the 12th of October subsequent to Mr. Chase's resignation. The late Chief-Justice' extreme old age and feeble health had, even in his life, led to some speculation as to his successor, and the President had signified his purpose, should a vacancy happen in that office during his term, to fill it by the appointment of Mr. Chase. When the vacancy occurred, however, various circumstances conspired to delay an appointment. Chief among these was the pendency of the presidential election, and the prompt appearance of rival candidates for the office. The most active of these was AssociateJustice Swayne, already a member of the court, and the most confident was Postmaster-General Blair, who was supported by Mr. Seward. Mr. Chase had in the Cabinet two faithful friends, Mr. Stanton and Mr. Fessenden; and outside of the Cabinet, he was earnestly befriended by Mr. Sumner and Senator Sherman. His nomination was urged by a large majority of the Republican journals; and the public sentiment of the country was unmistakably in his favor. But he had vigorous and vindictive enemies, and these opposed him persistently, and, to all outward appearance, with large prospect of success, though the President kept silent. On the very morning of Mr. Chase's nomination, a self-appointed deputation of his Ohio enemies waited upon the President to protest against it. They could not deny Mr. Chase's fitness, nor his fidelity to principles, nor the integrity and purity of his character, nor the prevailing public sentiment in his favor; but they sought to inflame the President by producing some letters of his in which Mr. Lincoln was rather freely criticised. The President read them, and with characteristic humor observed, that if Mr. Chase had said harsh things about him, he, in his turn, had said harsh things about Mr. Chase, which squared the account.

Mr. Lincoln's estimate of the grandeur of Mr. Chase's services, and of the substantial greatness and nobility of his character, was not diminished by the estrangement which had arisen between them, for in the very heat of it he had said: "Of all the great men I have ever known, Chase is equal to about one and a half of the best of them." With his own hand he wrote out the nomination, and sent it to the Senate with a profound sense of the propriety and fitness of the act. This was on the 6th of December, 1864. The Senate confirmed the nomination without a reference. Mr. Chase arrived in Washington in the evening of that same day, and Mrs. Sprague had the happiness first to salute her father with the august title of Chief-Justice. Mr. Chase believed the attainment of this office to be the summit of his ambition, and before sleeping wrote the President a note of grateful thanks, declaring, however, that more than office he prized the President's friendship and good-will.

66

CHAPTER XLVI.

Mr. Chase to the President.

"WASHINGTON, December 20, 1862.

I RESIGN the office of Secretary of the Treasury, which I have

had the honor to hold under your appointment.

"Whatever service my successor may desire of me, in making him acquainted with the condition and operations of the department, will be most cheerfully rendered. . . .'

The President to Mr. Chase.

"December 20, 1869.

"Hon. Secretary of the Treasury: Please do not go out of town.

The President to Mr. Seward and Mr. Chase.

"EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, December 20, 1802. “.... You have respectively tendered me your resignations as Secretary of State and Secretary of the Treasury of the United States. I am apprised of the circumstances which may render this course personally desirable to each of you; but after most anxious consideration, my deliberate judgment is that the public interest does not admit of it. I have therefore to request that you will resume the duties of your respective departments....

Mr. Seward to Mr. Chase.

"WASHINGTON, December 21, 1862.

" ...I have this morning sent to the President a note of which the inclosed is a copy...

66

Mr. Seward's Note to the President.

"DEPARTMENT OF STATE, WASHINGTON, December 21, 1862; Sunday Morning.

. I have cheerfully resumed the functions of this department, in obedience to your command.