would have been captured or so thoroughly routed, that recovery, even with the heavy reenforcements near at hand, would hardly have been possible. As it was, the enemy fell back, only to be reenforced by the main body; and the next day renewed the fight. Again Pope engaged them with his overworked and diminished forces; but the divisions of Franklin and Sumner, eagerly expected, had been so long withheld from advance, that they could not come up the enemy proved too strong, and we lost the day. Pope had sent an earnest demand for supplies to McClellan, who answered that the wagons would be loaded, and if Pope would send a cavalry escort, would be sent forward! Pope had no cavalry escort to send, and to secure supplies as well as to gain a safe position, withdrew his army across Bull Run to Centreville the night following the battle. At Centreville he was joined by Sumner and Franklin; but the result of the battle, and the ill-feelings generated by disappointment had so demoralized the army, that it did not seem safe to risk another engagement; and the whole army was withdrawn within the fortifications.

"Thus the union of the two armies was consummated. Will the true history of it ever be known? It seems improbable, for the President, allowing the whole blame to fall on Pope and on McDowell-who, though superior in rank to Pope, had cheerfully acted under him—allowed Halleck to relieve them both from their respective commands, and he himself gave the command of the fortifications and the troops for the defense of Washington to McClellan. It was against my protest and that of the Secretary of War.

"Heaven grant that the issue may show it was wisely done!”

To William C. Bryant, New York.

“WASHINGTON, September 4, 1862.

I recommended General McDowell as I did General McClellan ; neither more warmly, and I am perfectly willing to take my share with others, who recommended them just as I did, of the responsibility of their appointment.

"My expectations of General McDowell have been better satisfied than those I formed of General McClellan. But the latter is supported by the enemies of the Administration and by many of its friends: and the President, declaring himself unable to do better, and acknowledging that he is not doing well, places McClellan in command of the troops and fortifications around Washington; so that for the time being, at any rate, he is virtually restored to his former position of commander-in-chief. . . .

"For my part, I know a large part of the truth, and my opinions are unchanged.

"McDowell has been unfortunate; but he is a loyal, brave, truthful, capable officer. He is a disciplinarian. While he never hesitated to appropriate private property of rebels to public use, he repressed, as far as possible, private marauding, as incompatible with the laws of civilized warfare, and as equally incompatible with the discipline and efficiency of troops.

He believes that the immense trains with which our armies move are fatal to rapidity of operations, and so dangerous to final success. He has sought, therefore, to cut them down to the lowest point compatible with the effective condition of the troops. From these two causes come the large share of the complaints against him. Then he never drinks, or smokes, or chews, or indulges in any kind of license. He is serious and earnest. He resorts to no arts for popularity. He is attended by no clacquers and puffers. He has no political aims, and perhaps no very pronounced political principles, except the conviction that this war sprung from the influence of slavery, and that wherever slavery stands in the way of its successful prosecution, slavery must get out of the way. He is too indifferent in manner, and his officers are sometimes alienated by it. He is too purely military in his intercourse with his soldiers. There is an apparent hauteur: no, that is not the word-rough indifference expresses better the idea-in his way toward them, that makes it hard for them to feel any very warm personal sentiments toward him, unless they should find-what they have not hitherto found-that he leads them successfully, and that the honor of serving under him compensates for their personal griefs. . . .”

To Colonel R. O. Parsons, Cleveland, Ohio.

"WASHINGTON, September 5, 1802.

... Thank Benedict for his 'notice.' "I regret very much that some of our friends feel as they do. My judgment and conscience are satisfied with what I have done.

"The rebels will not, I think, assail our fortifications, or attempt to cross the Potomac this side or at Harper's Ferry. They may try higher up.

"I hope McDowell will demand a court of inquiry. He is atrociously abused and with great effect; and being a simple soldier, he has small chance of self-defense, even if he would attempt it.

"The last invention of those who hate him is, that his wife and the wife of Stonewall Jackson are sisters! An earlier one made him my brother-in-law !

"He is my friend, and I am his; and so long as I believe him loyal, truthful, straightforward, and honest, I shall remain his friend, whether he succeeds or fails as a military man.

"Let him as a soldier be tried by the severest tests, and let all others be tried by the same. tests also. Let those only who endure the ordeal be put in the lead, whether personal friends or personal enemies.

"

To Enoch T. Carson, Esq., Cincinnati.

"WASHINGTON, September 8, 1862.

There is too much ground for the article in the Times which you sent me. It should have observed more caution; but I fear I should not, in the editorial chair, have followed my own precept. We have not accomplished what we ought to have accomplished We have put small

forces waere large forces were needed, and have failed to improve advantages the advantages we obtained. We have preferred generals who do little with much to generals who do much with little. We blame and praise with equal want of reason and judgment. . . .

“General McClellan is again virtually in chief command, and has gone to the field with the army sent against the rebels in Maryland. This is against my judgment, but, having been overruled, I am endeavoring to do all in my power to secure success. McDowell is out of the way, and so is Pope, and so unity is apparently restored. .The sacrifice is not too great: for no man should for a moment be preferred to any benefit to the country...."

From Mr. Chase's Diary, September 8, 1862.

"Nothing of financial moment. Barney came in and said that Stanton and Wadsworth had advised him to leave for New York this evening, as communication with Baltimore might be cut off before to-morrow. Mr. B. said he would be governed by my advice. Told him I did not think the event probable, but that he had best be governed by the advice he had received."

To Horace Greeley.

...

"WASHINGTON, September 12, 1862.

I cut a slip from the Republican this morning about Mr. Stanton. It is less than justice to him. He has faults like other men; but his energy has been all-important to us. There has been no necessity, humanly speaking, for our ill-success. Providence has, as I believe, confounded our counsels because of our complicity in crime against His poor. Mr. Stanton's voice has ever been on the side of the most vigorous and active employment of all our resources, moral and political as well as physical. Not only did he urge the order to move on the 22d of February, but he proposed to the President and myself the trip to Fortress Monroe in the revenue-cutter Miami; he proposed and urged the sending of Rogers up the river, and the bombardment on the same day of Sewall's Point, with a view to the landing of troops there by General Wool, and a march upon Norfolk; he cordially seconded my proposition to take the revenue-cutter and go myself in search of a landing in Lynch-Haven Bay, when landing at Sewall's Point was pronounced by General Wool to be impracticable; and when the landing was found in three or four hours he urged Wool (nothing loath, by-the-way) to a prompt embarkation and march. The next day witnessed the march; a panic, the capture of Norfolk, and the following morning the blowing up of the Merrimac. Nothing of all this, I verily believe, would have occurred but for Stanton's energy of will and thought. ...”

From Mr. Chase's Diary, September 12th.

"Expenses are enormous, increasing instead of diminishing; ill-successes in the field have so affected Government stocks that it is impossible

THE EMANCIPATION PROCLAMATION.

453

to obtain loans except on temporary deposit. We are forced to rely on an increased issue of United States notes, which hurts almost as much as it helps.

...

"Went over to the War Department about two. Found that no important intelligence of rebel movements had been received. The Secretary informed me that he had heard from General H. that the President is going out to see General McClellan; and commented with some severity on his humiliating submissiveness to that officer. It is indeed humiliating, but prompted, I believe, by a sincere desire to serve the country, and a fear that, should he supersede McClellan by any other commander, no advantage would be gained in leadership, but much harm in the disaffection of officers and troops. The truth is, I think, that the President, with the most honest intentions in the world, and a naturally clear judgment, and a true, unselfish patriotism, has yielded so much to border State and negrophobic counsels, that he now finds it difficult to arrest his own descent toward the most fatal concessions. He has already separated himself from the great body of the party which elected him; distrusts most those who represent its spirit, and waits. For what?"

From Mr. Chase's Diary, September 22, 1862.

"To department about nine. State Department messenger came with notice to heads of departments to meet at twelve. Received sundry callers. Went to the White House. All the members of the Cabinet were in attendance. There was some general talk, and the President mentioned that Artemus Ward had sent him his book. Proposed to read a chapter which he thought very funny. Read it, and seemed to enjoy it very much; the heads also (except Stanton). The chapter was 'High-Handed Outrage at Utica.'

"The President then took a graver tone, and said: 'Gentlemen, I have, as you are aware, thought a great deal about the relation of this war to slavery, and you all remember that, several weeks ago, I read to you an order I had prepared upon the subject, which, on account of objections made by some of you, was not issued. Ever since then my mind has been much occupied with this subject, and I have thought all along that the time for acting on it might probably come. I think the time has come now. I wish it was a better time. I wish that we were in a better condition. The action of the army against the rebels has not been quite what I should have best liked. But they have been driven out of Maryland, and Pennsylvania is no longer in danger of invasion. When the rebel army was at Frederick I determined, as soon as it should be driven out of Maryland, to issue a proclamation of emancipation, such as I thought most likely to be useful. I said nothing to any one, but I made a promise to myself and (hesitating a little) to my Maker. The rebel army is now driven out, and I am going to fulfill that promise. I have got you together to hear what I have written down. I do not wish your advice about the

main matter, for that I have determined for myself. This I say without intending any thing but respect for any one of you. But I already know the views of each on this question. They have been heretofore expressed, and I have considered them as thoroughly and carefully as I can. What I have written is that which my reflections have determined me to say. If there is any thing in the expressions I use or in any minor matter which any one of you thinks had best be changed, I shall be glad to receive your suggestions. One other observation I will make. I know very well that many others might, in this matter as in others, do better than I can; and if I was satisfied that the public confidence was more fully possessed by any one of them than by me, and knew of any constitutional way in which he could be put in my place, he should have it. I would gladly yield it to him. But though I believe that I have not so much of the confidence of the people as I had some time since, I do not know that, all things considered, any other person has more; and, however this may be, there is no way in which I can have any other man put where I am. I am here. I must do the best I can, and bear the responsibility of taking the course which I feel I ought to take.'

"The President then proceeded to read his Emancipation Proclamation, making remarks on the several parts as he went on, and showing that he had fully considered the subject in all the lights under which it had been presented to him.

"After he had closed, Governor Seward said: 'The general question having been decided, nothing can be said further about that. Would it not, however, make the proclamation more clear and decided to leave out all reference to the act being sustained during the incumbency of the present President; and not merely say that the Government "recognizes," but that it will maintain the freedom it proclaims?'1

"I followed, saying: 'What you have said, Mr. President, fully satisfies me that you have given to every proposition which has been made a kind and candid consideration. And you have now expressed the conclusion to which you have arrived clearly and distinctly. This it was your right, and, under your oath of office, your duty to do. The proclamation does not, indeed, mark out the course I would myself prefer; but

1 Mr. Chase told me this: At this meeting of the Cabinet, after the President had said he was prepared to hear suggestions touching the proclamation, Mr. Seward proposed the change as stated in the text, and allowed some little time to elapse before proposing that relating to colonization. The President hereupon asked Mr. Seward why he had not proposed both changes at once? Mr. Seward made some not very satisfactory answer. Mr. Lincoln then said that Seward "reminded" him of a hired man out West who came to his employer on a certain afternoon, and told him (the employer) that one of a favorite yoke of oxen had fallen down dead. After a pause, the hired man added, “And the other ox in that team is dead, too." "Why didn't you tell me at once that both the oxen were dead?" "Because," answered the hired man, "I didn't want to hurt you by telling you too much at one time!"