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stitutions of Government. In the Convention which formed and adopted the Constitution of the United States, and which had within it the assembled wisdom of these United States, there were many instances of change of opinion in relation to the organization of that Government, during the progress of the Convention. Originally, in that Convention, by a vote of eight States to two, the election of the President was given to the National Legislature, and it was not until near the close of the sittings of that body, that the subject of the election of the President was submited to a committee, who reported a mode of election but little different from what now exists. Other great changes were made in provisions, supposed, at first, to be sufficient and satisfactory. The proceedings of that, and every other Convention to form or remodel our republican Governments, admonish us how necessary deliberation and caution are, in establishing Constitutional provisions which are to be of permanent obligation; and, that opinions, early formed, yield, and ought to yield, to the better judgment formed after discussion and reflection.

Is it the determination of this Convention to continue its session until our labors are finished, and the amendments submited to the people? As there are a variety of very important subjects to be considered and acted upon, they will require time-it must engage the Convention during this month and the next. If the Convention are unwilling to sit so closely engaged, during the month ot August, and endanger their health, it will be better to adjourn by the 14th of July, provided an adjournment is to take place for a time. An adjournment, on that day, would accommodate a large number of the Convention, who are farmers, and whose private interests, at this season of approaching harvest, call for their attention; and, it is believed, that the public interests would not, in any manner, be prejudiced by an adjournment at that time. To the people, it makes no difference whether the adjournment be in July or August; whilst, to many in the Convention, an earlier adjournment would be very desirable. I am disposed to consult their interests, and go for an early adjournment, as it would not be any injury to the public service. I do not believe, that the people require or expect this Convention to remain in session at the peril of the health and lives of members, during the months of July and Angust. I have no idea that the people of Pennsylvania are suffering under our State Government. It is idle and unfounded to say, that the people are groaning under the tyranny of the Government, as has been said on this floor, when we know that our State has flourished, and our people have prospered.

I am disposed to adjourn, after disposing of, in committee of the whole, the report of the committee on the sixth article, now under consideration; and am willing to enter upon the consideration of the Judiciary. I will not consent, from any regard to time, to pass over this department at a gallop; nor will I agree, that its important provisions shall be hurried over in an afternoon session, and that great radical changes shall be hammered out, and finished with a single heat.

It is alleged, however, that the question of adjournment ought to be postponed, until we have a full Convention. To my mind, however, this reduced number is an argument in favor of adjournment, for that number will be probably more reduced by the absence of members at this season;

journment, it is not to be deemed sufficient to proceed with the consideration and adoption of prominent Constitutional provisions. Entertaining the opinion, that the season and circumstances are unfavorable for full deliberation, and full discussion of the several important subjects for the attention of the Convention, and that the public interests will not be injured by the delay till October, I shall vote in favor of the resolution to adjourn on the 14th July.

Mr. DUNLOP was in favor of the proposition of the gentleman from Monroe, (Mr. OVERFIELD,) and opposed to the amendment of the gentleman from Philadelphia, (Mr. EARLE.) The gentleman from Philadelphia says, we ought to remain to act upon those parts of the Constitution which the people require to have some action upon before we go home; at least, that we ought to pass upon the Judiciary article. Now, the gentleman knows that the article we are upon contains some fifteen or sixteen sections; that is, the standing committee have reported that many; and we have now just passed over the third section; and every gentleman must know that we passed this last section too hastily, as its language is such as was not proper to be inserted in a Constitution, which should be in the most explicit terms possible. If the gentleman would just reflect for a moment on the progress we have already made, he would be satisfied that the sixth article alone would occupy our time until the middle of July. Deliberation was necessary at every step, and it was nearly impossible at this season of the year, when the minds and bodies of the members appear to be so harrassed and wearied by incessant and long sittings, forenoon and afterooon, to give a proper attention to any subject. Every one must have seen that the members have become listless and indifferent to the discussions; no gentleman spoke who could hold their attention, and consequently the body was not in a state to act upon the questions, which were to come before it. Under this state of the case, no gentleman could rise to speak here for the purpose of convincing the members of this Convention, therefore what he now said, he intended as much for his constituents, as for gentlemen here. If a speech is made here, and not heard, but goes before the public and is read, then it has not been made for nothing. He would reply to some of the arguments of the gentleman from Philadelphia, (Mr. EARLE,) if he were a more easy subject of conviction, or even if he had about him the ordinary pliability of human nature. But the gentleman was possessed of too much of the DAVY CROCKET principle of go ahead", right or wrong. He was emphatically a confirmed man. Like the sheep, if you attempt to head him, and he cannot pass you, he will go straight over your head. If he cannot go through you, he will pass right over you. We have heard a great deal about the minority obstructing the progress of business in this House. Now, who was this minority, by which business had been so much impeded? Is there any doubt where that minority is to be discovered? He knew of no distinctive minority here on any question, unless we give that distinguished appellation to the gentleman from Philadelphia, (Mr. EARLE) himself. Who could claim, so exclusively, to be the only uniform, persevering, dogged minority, but the great agitator from Philadelphia himself? Who, but he, would have the hardihood, to stand solitary and alone on the ques

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emphatically, the minority. He even voted against his own favorite project of giving the election to the people, and in the imposing minority of one. Why does he charge the minority with hurrying or obstructing the business of the House, when he is always the minority? Every member could point his finger at the minority which harrassed this House, and by the indulgence and courtesy of the House he was permited to harrass it as much as he pleased. Why, then, does the gentleman talk of minority, when he is himself, alone, obnoxious to his own determinations; the most continued minority, if not the profoundest he had ever heard of? As to himself, (Mr. D. said) he had been a week at a time without speaking a word, except for the purpose of mere explanation, in the hope that his example might be followed by others, as little likely to instruct the body as himself-but in vain. The very men who are constantly calling "question", upon others, are those who are most eager to occupy the time, if not the attention of the Convention; and after a long harangue they sit down and call for the question, and if it is not taken, they next move the previous question. He had all along cherished the hope that we might get through our business during the present sitting, but he believed it now impossible. Thirty members were now absent, and it would be out of our power to keep members here during the harvest season particularly. Many would go home with or without leave, and those who remained would be as we now see them, listless and indifferent to what was passing. The subject in hand was one of too great and abiding interest to the people of the Commonwealth, to be disposed of under such circumstances. In this view, he thought we ought to adjourn to a season more congenial to deliberate consideration. But there was another reason which he wished to bring to the attention of gentlemen; before we went on any further, he hoped the people would be made acquainted with the expenses of this Convention, in order that they might compare the value of the amendments which we might make to our present admirable Constitution, with their cost. If the people had any idea of our expenses it was more than he had had within a few days past.

He hoped the proposition intended to be offered by the gentleman from Adams, would be connected with the present motion to adjourn, and it was in that view that he advocated it. That is to submit the amendments already passed upon to the people, and the further question to be left to their vote at the next October election, whether the amendments which were yet desired, were worth the expcted cost. If the probable expenses of the Convention will be half a million of dollars, and if we have already expended $75,000, he insisted that the question as to the further sitting of the Convention ought to be submitted to the people, so that their vote might be taken upon it.

For the purpose of showing our daily expenses, he would now submit a statement, prepared by one of the Secretaries of the body, viz:

Daily pay of members,

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$400 00

100 00

92 00

112 00

30 00

Postage,

Door-keepers,

Sergeant-at-arms,

Messengers,

Supposed contingencies,

Total, per day,

100 00

8 00

5 00

2.00

75 50

$957 50

To this daily expense, of nearly a thousand dollars, was to be added the mileage of the members, which was estimated at four thousand dollars, or about thirty-three dollars on an average for each member. To this expense, was also to be added, the printing of the reports of the debates and proceedings; and if we sat six months longer, and continued to make speeches at the same rate we have done heretofore-and an adjournment would, no doubt, bring us back with renewed ardor, and a new stock of matter for debate our volume of reports would, hereafter, go by the name of the Constitutional Encyclopedia." He would propose to print it in quarto, like the Edinburgh Encyclopedia, in order that the work might be brought within a reasonable number of volumes.

Mr. SHELLITO here interposed, and called the gentleman to order.

Mr. DUNLOP proceeded. He had said nothing about the fly question. If the gentleman would let him alone, he would not oppose his proposition to keep the flies in Crawford county from biting the cattle; for that, he understood, was the only amendment to the Constitution which the gentleman desired.

At a moderate calculation, the expenses of the Convention would be a thousand dollars a day; and there was, probably, not a man in the State, out of this body, aware of this fact. What the minority would say to this statement, he did not know, but if we went on at this rate, the Convention would cost the State two hundred and fifty thousand dollars. It had already cost seventy-five thousand dollars, and upwards, and what have we done? Changed the day of the meeting of the Legislature, and of the annual election, which the people would probably put back again. In fact, there had been nothing acted upon conclusively. All that had been done, was the passing of certain amendments through committee of the whole, and they would yet have to pass two readings. If, too, he was not very much mistaken, we would have to go into committee again, on some of the amendments which we have now made. We have spent day after day upon articles of the Constitution, which the people never thought of altering or amending. We have changed the day of meeting of the Legislature from December to January, and every person he had heard speak on the subject, was hostile to it. He himself thought it was right, and voted for it; but he now intended to move to put it back where it stood before, if he was supported in that measure. We have changed the time of holding the general elections, from the second to the third Tuesday in October, at a cost of about ten thousand dollars; and he would ask any reformer in his county, whether he would be willing to give this sum out of the public treasury for this change. He believed many of them would be glad if it was put back again to the second Tuesday. When he went home a few days ago, he thought he would be pleasing the people very much by telling them that we had made an amendment, changing the day of meeting

were the use of such amendments as these; and said, that if we could do nothing better than this, we had better adjourn and go home. He thought he had done great things, by telling the people that we had made these amendments, and this was the way he was answered by them. The fact was, the people were disgusted with the course of proceeding here. We have passed upon a section in committee of the whole, giving the people the right of electing their county officers, which section was so confused, and perplexed, that we would have to change the language from one end to the other; and, perhaps, in doing so, we will be compelled to go again into a discussion of the principles of the amendment. The other amendments which we have made, are those in relation to the right of suffrage, and changing the time of residence, to entitle to the exercise of that right, from two years to one. Now, he asked, whether it was not proper that these matters should go before the public, so that the people might take the subject into consideration; because, if this little had cost seventy-five thousand dollars, what would it cost to pass upon the whole Constitution? If it had cost this immense sum, to get these few amendments through committee of the whole, what would it cost to get all the amendments proposed to be introduced by various gentlemen, through two several readings? He would ask whether it was not worthy the serious consideration of the people of this Commonwealth, whether they would spend three hundred thousand dollars to obtain these amendments. He believed seriously, if the people had ever thought that it would cost such a sum, or any where near such a sum, there never would have been a majority in favor of calling a Convention; not but what some of them might be anxious for some changes, but, considering the prosperous condition of the Commonwealth since the adoption of the present Constitution, he questioned whether any person would urge these amendments at the price which they would inevitably cost. Certainly. During the present condition of the moneyed concerns of the State, no gentleman could desire to force this additional tax upon the people. He could see no plausible reason for sitting here longer at present. We cannot possibly get through the Constitution in committee of the whole, during the month of July, much less finish our labors. It had been said that the judiciary article itself would consume a month's time which would bring us into the hot weather in August, when it was not to be expected that gentlemen would be in a condition to deliberate upon a subject so all important to the people of the Commonwealth. He was fully of opinion, that if we adjourned over until the cool weather, that we would be able to do more business in one day than we could do now in two, and he was also in favor of adjourning over until after the elections, so that there might be something like an expression of the people on the subject. This he conceived, would have a very salutary effect upon all parties. As to the occupation of the time of the Convention in debate, he cast no reflections upon any gentleman on this floor, because he was equally obnoxious to the charge, if it was made, as he had occupied the attention of the Convention his full share, and he would continue to occupy it so long as duty called him to do it, and whenever it did, he should make no excuses for performing that duty. This he should do fearlessly and faithfully, let what would be said about it by gentlemen here. Would his constituents place confidence in him, when duty called Rim to express their opinions, or his own, if he was to say he could not do it, because he

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