common rules of juftice and humanity; and have not you been too apt to yield to the fuggeftion ?-Have you not fought for counsellors, who have been most disposed to flatter you in your notions of ambition, vanity, pride, wantonnefs, and artifice? And have you given ear to men of courage and difinterestedness, who defiring no favours from you,' nor dazzled with your greatnefs, with all due refpect have laid before you the truths it became you to know, and oppofed your will, in order to prevent your doing amifs? Have you taken pains to inftruct yourself in the laws, cuftoms, and ufages of your kingdom? Are you well enough fkilled in the principles of law, to comprehend easily what is right, when a matter is brought before you ? Are you able to diftinguifh among your councellors, those who flatter you, from those who would wreft the laws in an arbitrary manner to their own views? Have you ftudied the true form of government established in your kingdom? 'Tis not enough to know the laws which fecure and fettle the property of your fubjects; that is, doubtless, the leaft part of juftice; but you muft alfo be acquainted with the duties required of you, in cafes depending between the nation and yourself. Have you studied the fundamental laws, and the conftant customs which have the force of law, by which your own nation in particular is governed? Have you without partiality enquired into the bounds of your own authority? Know you what anarchy is, what arbitrary power, and what the regal authority established by the laws; the medium that lies between the two extremes ? A king who is ignorant in thefe particulars, is but a king by halves; his ignorance renders him incapable of reforming what is amifs, and does more mischief than the corruption of the perfons who govern under him. 'Tis ufually faid of kings, that their private voices are lefs to be dreaded, then their misconduct in the discharge of their regal authority. The public are extremely curious; and whilft the prince pleases himself with thinking that his weakneffes are not known, he is the only person that does not know how feverely they are cenfured. Have you been fufficiently careful in the choice of the feveral perfons whom you have put in authority under you? Have you chofen none of them thro' fear of difobliging the perfons who recommended them, or from a fecret defire that they fhould carry your authority beyond its proper bounds? Have you duely inform ed yourself of their administration? Have you fignified that you are ready to hear the complaints that could be made against them, and to do justice to those who have been injured by them? Have you not fuffered your ministers to take exceffive profits which their fervices had not deserved? Have you not tolerated wrongs at the fame time you abstained from doing them? Have you fought out for means to ease your people, and to take nothing from them, but what the real neceffities of the ftate have compelled you to take for their their own advantage? Have you taken up no prejudice against any particular perfon, without making a fufficient enquiry into the facts laid to his charge? You must not liften and give credit to a particular fet of men ; they are certainly men; and tho' they were even uncorruptible, they are at least not infallible: whatever confidence you have in their judgment, you are obliged to examine whether they are not deceived by others, or obftinately blind themselves. Have you not thrown out of places perfons of diftinguished merit and abilities?-'Tis a natural fuggeftion, these accufations cannot poffibly be got over, the fureft way is to put the man out of place: but this pretended caution is the most dangerous fnare that can be laid; for by thefe means there is no difcovery made, and the informers gain all that they aim at. THE HERE are no errors in politics fo perfectly irretrievable, as mistake and conceffions in our commercial connexions with other nations; yet we can fcarcely turn to any quarter of the world, where the British trade has not been permitted of late years to decline, through the ignorance or want of spirit in government, and the little regard to fuftain what has been indefatigably acquired. Whilft we are cenfuring their bad measures at home, the very basis of our existence as a state, is fapped unnoticed; which is more truly a grievance than any of those so loudly complained of. Facts fpeak of themselves, and many difpaffionate and fenfible perfons, who think, that in the present ministerial altercation, much might be faid on both fides, would foon determine, whether we had caufe, of complaint, by having fet before them the state of our traffic in many parts of the world. This would be the criterion of the measures of administration; and the investigation of the fubject would speak more plainly against them than any language could exprefs. Among a variety of glaring inftances, the trammels put upon, and unrefented infults offered to our trade with Portugal, by the encroachments daily made on the British factory at Lisbon, astonishes all Europe at our fubmiffion :- -Our ineffectual embaffies, and feeble Remonftrances to the Court of Portugal, have only ferved to add more weight to thofe already over-burthened; for it is a well-known truth, that, on every application of the British Merchants to their Court for redrefs, though it was productive of the mere formality of memorials, memorials, yet it ever had the certain confequence of an add itiona burthen being put on them: to this only can be attributed their filence lately; fo that he need be no great divine to foretel its gradual deftruction, as the British merchants now settled at Lisbon have every difcouragement, and the decrease of the circulation of their bullion is already vifibly felt here; many Portuguese houses have been lately established there; and many articles are now had from the Dutch and French, which, by particular treaty, we have the exclufive privilege of fupplying; it is difficult to recover one falfe ftep; and the tacit conceffions already made can never be got over, except vigorously and spiritedly attempted, during the prefent time of our profound peace with Europe. I put gratitude out of the question; Princes and States pay little regard to it when it clashes with their own interefts; it is only confidered as a private virtue, though perhaps we deserve better at their hands than any other nation in Europe. Before I enter upon the particular grievances fuffered by thofe concerned in that trade, and in which the nation is To highly interested, it will be neceffary to give an idea of its nature and confequence to Great Britain, to judge upon what our rights of redress are founded; and of the present and former state of Portugal, with respect to commerce, in order to fhew where our political interefts are connected. Portugal is lefs in extent than any other kingdom in Europe that has a peculiar King, yet fcarcely inferior to any in the extent and reputation of its commerce; the fertility of the country, and the nature of its government, opposes industry; the pride of the people renders it contemptible, and the climate makes them lazy; No wonder then that a country, thin of inhabitants by fo many combining causes, and the encouragement of celibacy, fhould, of itself, be extremely poor; wherefore it may truly be faid, that foreigners fupport the ftate, as most of the trade of the kingdom is carried on by merchants of different countries refident amongst them ; -the antient commerce of Portugal was infinitely greater than at present, when the riches of Perfia, India, and China, centered in their fettlements in the Eaft Indies, was diftributed to all the nations of Europe through their hands, in which they are now almost entirely rivalled. The discovery of the gold mines and brazil diamonds, now enables them to cut a figure equal to any ftate, and to be respected for their commerce, fo beneficial to all that deal with them: first it was impoffible for them to work the gold mines, or export to their settlements the necessary articles chiefly fupplied by other countries, without a very extenfive credit for fuch commodities; which has encreased by degrees, as the returns of bullion augmented; and though they are now confiderably enriched, yet they are unwilling to give up fo valuable a custom, and still work their mines, and carry on most of their colony commerce upon credit; they are not only trufted with all articles of traffic till the returns come round, but the merchants of other countries are obliged to disburse large duties At to the King on thofe very commodities, as well as the cofts and fhip-ping of them; for the foreign articles fent to their settlements bear -heavy imposts: In the nature of trade fo great a confidence could not, with safety, nor abfolutely would be given to the extent it is, without the establishment of foreign merchants or factories among them: for such credit from the respective countries, neceffarily depends on such merchants refidence there: Hence this is one of the principal causes that there are factories and confuls eftablished in Lisbon from England, Holland, France, Spain, Hamburgh, Denmark, and many of the Italian States; each of which have particular privileges granted them. Those that belong to the British factory I fhall confider fome other time. FREEPORT. The British commodities, particularly fent to Brazil, and for which credit is given, that helps to work the mines, fome time ago was fixed at 23 per cent. inward duties to Lisbon, and fix per ceut. outward duties to Brazil, ad valorem. Number XIII. PUBLIC ADVERTISER. To the PEOPLE of ENGLAND in general, and the FREEHOLDERS Yo you OUR honour and your interest demand that fhould know your own importance. A confcioufnefs of the dignity and power which you inherently poffefs, as it will ferve to fhew you the value of your rights, will animate you to vindicate them. The fenfe of injury is not alone fufficient to excite a ftrenuous and effectual refiftance; the circumftances attending it often aggravate oppression, and should therefore heighten refentment. I will not wrong either your understandings or your feelings, by fuppofing you ignorant of, or infenfible to, the oppreffion which now prevails; but I wish to inspire you with fomething more—to expofe to you the weaknefs and inferiority of your oppreffors; to lay before you your own comparative greatnefs, and to display to you your power. If a view of thefe circumftances, if a conviction of your own Strength and importance, of the value of your rights, and of the bafenefs and infignificance of those who attempt to fubvert them. If thefe be motives weak, break off betimes, To kindle Cowards. Surely they cannot fail of animating Englishmen. We need only recur to the first principle of our excellent conftitution, and indeed of all constitutions in the world, to be convinced of the weight and power of the people. The grand end and intention of all government, is the welfare of the people; whatever different means may be used in different countries, the end remains unvaried in all; for the attainment of this end, the people confent to appoint a power in the ftate, to which they individually transfer their wills, dress it up in the infignia of fovereignty, and arm it withLegislative Authority. This fovereign power is in fact no more than the representative of the people, declaratory of their will, and bound to act in fubfervience to their interest. Whilft this is the measure of its conduct, the people are bound to pay it obedience, and they neceffarily will; for in doing fo, they only obey their own will an obedience which it is not very difficult to enforce. This, then, is the original compact, viz. that government shall confult the welfare of the people, and that the people fhall obey government on that condition; when that condition is neglected or violated, the people are no longer bound to obey; the truft which they had repofed in government ceafes, and their delegated power reverts to its original fource. I may be told, that I have over-rated the abilities of the people, that they have neither understanding to judge, nor ftrength to execute; that the legislature is omnifcient and omnipotent; that its proceedings are facred, and not to be questioned by an infolent faction; that they are holy and myfterious, uncognizable by the profanum vulgus. I know that thefe doctrines are maintained by fome; and indeed unless I knew it from experience, I could not have fuppofed that any man would adopt them; for, understood in their full extent, they are fubverfive not only of liberty, but of common fenfe. Let me, to avoid mifconftruction, take this opportunity of expreffing my veneration for our admirable fyftem of government; I will, on this theme, vie with the most fervile flatterer-with the smoothest court-fycophant, and his adulation fhall not exceed my fincerity; but let it be remembered, that the end of government is the welfare of the people; let it be understood, that if ever a legislature should directly invade the rights of the people and the principles of the constitution-an idea almost too monstrous to conceive, it then be comes |