I think we are more in danger from the little obe

dience in the governed.”

TO THE SAME.

April 22, 1788.

"It is very possible, as you suppose, that all the articles of the proposed new government will not remain unchanged after the first meeting of congress. I am of opinion with you, that the two chambers were not necessary, and I disliked some other articles that are in, and wished for some that are not in, the proposed plan: I nevertheless hope it may be adopted, though I shall have nothing to do with the execution of it, being determined to quit all public business with my present employment.' At 83 one certainly has a right to ambition repose."

TO THE SAME.

MY DEAR FRIend,

Philadelphia, June 8, 1788. I received a few days ago your kind

letter of the 3rd January.

The arrét in favor of the non-catholiques gives pleasure here, not only from its present advantages, but as it is a good step towards general toleration, and to the abolishing in time all party

'President of the state of Pennsylvania.

spirit among Christians, and the mischiefs that have so long attended it. Thank God, the world is growing wiser and wiser; and as by degrees men are convinced of the folly of wars for religion, for dominion, or for commerce, they will be happier and happier.

Eight states have now agreed to the proposed new constitution; there remain five who have not yet discussed it; their appointed times of meeting not being yet arrived. Two are to meet this month, the rest later. One more agreeing it will be carried into execution. Probably some will not agree at present, but time may bring them in; so that we have little doubt of its becoming general, perhaps with some corrections. As to your friend's taking a share in the management of it, his age and infirmities render him unfit for the business, as the business would be for him. After the expiration of his presidentship, which will now be in a few months, he is determined to engage no more in public affairs, even if required; but his countrymen will be too reasonable to require it. You are not so considerate; you are an hard task-master. You insist on his writing his life, already a long work, and at the same time would have him continually employed in augmenting the subject, while the time shortens in which the work is to be executed. General Washington is the man that all our eyes are fixed on for president, and what little influence I may have, is devoted to him. FRANKLIN.

TO THE DUKE DE LA ROCHEFOUCAULT.

Philadelphia, Oct. 22, 1788.

"Our public affairs begin to wear a more quiet aspect. The disputes about the faults of the new constitution are subsided. The first congress will probably mend the principal ones, and future congresses the rest. That which you mentioned did not pass unnoticed in the convention. Many, if I remember right, were for making the president incapable of being chosen after the first four years; but the majority were for leaving the electors free to choose whom they pleased; and it was alleged that such incapacity might tend to make the president less attentive to the duties of his office, and to the interests of the people, than he would be if a second choice depended on their good opinion of them. We are making experiments in politics; what knowledge we shall gain by them will be more certain, though perhaps we may hazard too much in that mode of acquiring it."

To M. LE VEillard.

Oct. 24, 1788.

Our affairs mend daily, and are getting into good order very fast. Never was any measure so thoroughly discussed as our proposed new constitution. Many objections were made to it in the public papers, and answers to those objections. Much

party heat there was, and some violent personal abuse. I kept out of the dispute, and wrote only one little paper on the occasion, which I enclose.'

I

* Supposed to be the following.

A Comparison of the Conduct of the Ancient JEWS, and of the ANTIFEDERALISTS in the United States of America.

A zealous advocate for the proposed Federal Constitution, in a certain public assembly, said, that "the repugnance of a great part of mankind to good government was such, that he believed, that if an angel from heaven was to bring down a constitution formed there for our use, it would nevertheless meet with violent opposition."-He was reproved for the supposed extravagance of the sentiment; and he did not justify it.-Probably it might not have immediately occurred to him that the experiment had been tried, and that the event was recorded in the most faithful of all histories, the Holy Bible; otherwise he might, as it seems to me, have supported his opinion by that unexceptionable authority.

The Supreme Being had been pleased to nourish up a single family, by continued acts of his attentive providence, till it became a great people: and having rescued them from bondage by many miracles performed by his servant Moses, he personally delivered to that chosen servant, in presence of the whole nation, a constitution and code of laws for their observance; accompanied and sanctioned with promises of great rewards, and threats of severe punishments, as the consequence of their obedience or disobedience.

This constitution, though the Deity himself was to be at its head (and it is therefore called by political writers a Theocracy) could not be carried into execution but by the means of his ministers: Aaron and his sons were therefore commissioned to be, with Moses, the first established ministry of the new govern

ment.

You seem to be too apprehensive about our president's being perpetual. Neither he nor we have

One would have thought, that the appointment of men who had distinguished themselves in procuring the liberty of their nation, and had hazarded their lives in openly opposing the will of a powerful monarch who would have retained that nation in slavery, might have been an appointment acceptable to a grateful people; and that a constitution framed for them by the Deity himself, might, on that account, have been secure of an universal welcome reception. Yet there were in every one of the thirteen tribes, some discontented, restless spirits who were continually exciting them to reject the proposed new government, and this from various motives.

Many still retained an affection for Egypt, the land of their nativity; and these, whenever they felt any inconvenience or hardship, though the natural and unavoidable effect of their change of their situation, exclaimed against their leaders as the authors of their trouble; and were not only for returning into Egypt, but for stoning their deliverers. Those inclined to idolatry, were displeased that their golden calf was destroyed. Many of the chiefs thought the new constitution might be injurious to their particular interests, that the profitable places would be engrossed by the families and friends of Moses and Aaron, and others equally well-born excluded. In Josephus, and the Talmud, we learn some particulars, not so fully narrated in the Scripture. We are there told, "That Corah was ambitious of the priesthood, and offended that it was conferred on Aaron; and this, as he said, by the authority of Moses only, without the consent of the people, He accused Moses of having, by various

'Numbers, chap. xiv.

2

Numbers, chap. xvi. ver. 3. “And they gathered themselves together against Moses and Aaron, and said unto them, Ye take too much upon you, seeing all the congregations are holy, every one of them,—— wherefore then lift ye up yourselves above the congregation?"