Since the acceffion of our most gracious fove reign to the throne, we have feen a system of go vernment, which may well be called a reign of experiments. Parties of all denominations have been employed and difmiffed. The advice of the ablest men in this country has been repeatedly called for and rejected; and when the royal difpleafure has been fignified to a minifter, the marks of it have usually been proportioned to his abilities and integrity. The fpirit of the FAVOURITE had fome apparent influence upon every adminiftration; and every fet of minifters preferved an ap pearance of duration, as long as they fubmitted to that influence. But there were certain fervices to be performed for the Favourite's fecurity, or to gratify his resentments, which your predecessors in office had the wifdom or the virtue not to undertake. The moment this refractory fpirit was dif covered, their difgrace was determined. Lord Chatham, Mr. Grenville, and Lord Rockingham, have fucceffively had the honour to be difmiffed for prefering their duty, as fervants of the public, to thofe compliances which were expected from their station. A fubmiffive adminiftration was at laft gradually collected from the deferters of all parties, interests and connexions: and nothing re'mained but to find a leader for thefe gallant well difciplined troops. Stand forth, my Lord, for

thou art the man. Lord Bute found no refource of dependence or fecurity in the proud impofing fuperiority of Lord Chatham's abilities, the fhrewd inflexible judgment of Mr. Grenville, nor in the mild but determined integrity of Lord Rocking. ham. His views and fituation required a creature void of all these properties; and he was forced to go through every divifion, refolution, compofition and refinement of political chymistry, before he happily arrived at the caput mortuum of vitriol in your Grace. Flat and infipid in your retired ftate, but brought into action you become vitriolagain. Such are the extremes of alternate indolence or fury, which have governed your whole adminiftration. Your circumstances with regard to the people foon becoming defperate, like other honeft fervants, you determined to involve the best of masters in the fame difficulties with yourfelf. We owe it to your Grace's well directed labours, that your Sovereign has been perfuaded to doubt of the affections of his fubjects, and the people to fufpect the virtues of their Sovereign, at a time when both were unquestionable. You have degraded the royal dignity into a bafe, difhonourable competition with Mr. Wilkes, nor had you abilities to carry even this last contemptible triumph over a private man, without the grof

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feft violation of the fundamental laws of the conftitution and rights of the people. But these are rights, my Lord, which you can no more annihilate than you can the foil to which they are annexed. The queftion no longer turns upon points of national honour and fecurity abroad, or on the degrees of expediency and propriety of measures at home. It was not inconfiftent that you fhould abandon the cause of liberty in another country, which you had perfecuted in your own; and in the common arts of domestic corruption, we miss no part of Sir Robert Walpole's system except his abilities. In this humble imitative line you might long have proceeded, fafe and contemptible. You might probably never have risen to the dignity of being hated, and you might even have been defpifed with moderation. But it feems you meant to be diftinguished, and to a mind like yours there was no other road to fame but by the deftruction of a noble fabric, which you thought had been too long the admiration of mankind. The ufe you have made of the military force, introduced an alarming change in the mode of executing the laws. The arbitrary appointment of Mr. Luttrell invades the foundation of the laws themfelves, as it manifeftly transfers the right of legislation from those whom

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the people have chofen, to those whom they have rejected. With a fucceffion of fuch appointments, we may foon fee a houfe of commons collected, in the choice of which the other towns and counties of England will have as little fhare as the devoted county of Middlesex. .

Yet I trust your Grace will find that the people of this country are neither to be intimidated by violent measures, nor deceived by refinement. When they see Mr. Luttrell feated in the house of commons by mere dint of power, and in direct op pofition to the choice of a whole county, they will not liften to thofe fubtleties by which every arbitrary exertion of authority is explained into the law and privilege of parliament. It requires no perfuafion of argument, but fimply the evidence of the fenfes, to convince them, that to transfer the right of election from the collective to the reprefentative body of the people, contradicts all thofe ideas of a houfe of commons, which they have received from their forefathers, and which they had already, though vainly perhaps, delivered to their children. The principles on which this violent measure has been defended, have added fcorn to injury, and forced us to feel, that we are not only oppreffed but infulted.

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With what force, my Lord, with what protection, are you prepared to meet the united deteftation

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teftation of the people of England? The city of London has given a generous example to the kingdom, in what manner a king of this country ought to be addreffed; and 1 fancy, my Lord, it is not yet in your courage to ftand between your Sovereign and the addreffes of his fubjects. The injuries you have done this country are fuch as demand not only redrefs, but vengeance. In vain fhall you look for protection to that venal vote which you have already paid for another must be purchased; and, to fave a minifter, the house of commons muft declare themfelves not only independent of their conftituents, but the determined enemies of the conftitution. Confider, my Lord, whether this be an extremity to which their fears will permit them to advance; or, if their protection fhould fail you, how far you are authorised to rely upon the fincerity of thofe fmiles, which a pi ous court lavishes without reluctance upon a libertine by profeffion. It is not indeed the leaft of the thousand contradictions which attend you, that a man, marked to the world by the groffeft violation of all ceremony and decorum, fhould be the firft fervant of a court, in which prayers are morality, and kneeling is religion. Truft not too far to appearances, by which your predeceffor have been deceived, though they have not been injured. Even the best of princes may at last dif

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