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public purfe can fupport them.. Still they have a limit and when every reasonable expence is incurred, it will be found, in fact, that the fpur of the prefs is wanted to give operation to the bounty.

Upon the whole, I never had a doubt about the ftrick right of preffing, until I heard that Lord Mansfield had applauded Lord Chatham for delivering fomething like this doctrine in the Houfe of Lords. That confideration ftaggered me not a little. But, upon reflection, his conduct accounts naturally for itfelf. He knew the doctrine was unpopular, and was eager to fix it upon the man, who is the first object of his fear and deteftation. The cunning Scotchman never fpeaks truth without a fraudulent defign. In council, he generally affects to take a moderate part. Befides his natural timidity, it makes part of his politcal plan, never to be known to recommend violent measures. When the guards are called forth to murder their fellowfubjects, it is not by the oftenfible advice of Lord Mansfield. That odious office, his prudence tells him, is better left to fuch men as Gower and Weymouth, as Barrington and Grafton. Lord Hilsborough wifely confines his firmness to

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the diftant Americans,- -The defigns of Mantfield are more fubtle, more effectual, and fecure. Who attacks the liberty of the prefs?Lord Mansfield- Who invades the constitutional power of juries?

of juries?-Lord Mansfield What judge ever challenged a Juryman, but Lord Mansfield? Who was that judge, who, to fave the King's brother, affirmed that a man of the first rank and quality, who obtains a verdict in a fuit for criminal converfation, is intitled to no greater damages than the meaneft mechanic?Lord Mansfield Who is it makes commiffioners of the Great Seal?.

Lord Mansfield.Who is it forms a decree for those commiffioners, deciding against Lord Chatbam, and afterwards, (finding himself oppofed by the judges) declares in parliament, that he never had a doubt that the law was in direct oppofition to that decree?-Lord Mansfield

Who is he, that has made it the study and practice of his life to undermine and alter the whole fyftem of jurifprudence in the court of King's Bench ?Lord Mansfield. There never exifted a man but himself, who answered exactly to fo complicated a description. Compared to thefe enormities, his original attach

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ment to the Pretender, (to whom his dearest brother was confidential Secretary) is a virtue of the first magnitude. But the hour of impeachment will come, and neither he nor Grafton fhall escape me. Now let them make com

mon cause against England and the House of Hanover. A Stuart and a Murray fhould fympathife with each other.

When I refer to fignal inftances of unpopu lar opinions delivered and maintained by men; who may well be fuppofed to have no view but the public good, I do not mean to renew the difcuffion of fuch opinions. I fhould be forry to to revive the dormant queftions of Stamp Act, Corn bill, or Prefs Warrant. I mean only to illustrate one useful propofition, which it is the intention of this paper to inculcate ;- -That we should not generally reject the friendship or Services of any man, because he differs from us, in a particular opinion. This will not appear a fuperfluous caution, if we obferve the ordinary conduct of mankind. In public affairs, there is the leaft chance of a perfect concurrence of fentiment or inclination. Yet every man is able to contribute fomething to the common flock, and no man's contribution fhould

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be rejected. If individuals have no virtues, their vices may be of ufe to us. I care not with what principle the new-born Patriot is animated, if the measures he fupports are beneficial to the community. The nation is interefted in his conduct. His motives are his own. The properties of a Patriot are perishable in the individual, but there is a quick fucceffion of fubjects, and the breed is worth preserving.

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The spirit of the Americans may be a useful example to us. Our dogs and horses are only English upon English ground. But Patriotism, it seems, may be improved by transplanting.————I will not reject a bill which tends to confine parliamentary privilege within reasonable bounds, though it should be stolen from the house of Cavendish, and introduced by Mr. Onflow. The features of the infant are a proof of the defcent, and vindicate the noble birth, from the baseness of the adoption.I willingly accept of a farcasm from Colonel Barre, or a fimile from Mr. Bourke. Even the filent vote of Mr. Calcraft is worth reckoning in a divifion. What though he riots in the plunder of the army,' and has only determined to be a Patriot, when he could not be a Peer?Let us profit by the affiftance of fuch men, while they are. F f with

with us, and place them, if it be poffible, in the poft of danger, to prevent defertion. The wary Wedderburne, the gentle Suffolk, never threw away the fcabbard, nor ever went upon a forlorn hope. They always treated the King's fervants as men with whom, fome time or other, they might poffibly be in friendship.- When

a man, who stands forth for the public, has gone that length, from which there is no practicable retreat,when he has given that kind of personal offence which a pious monarch' never pardons,I then begin to think him in earnest, and that he never will have occafion to folicit the forgivenefs of his country. -But inftances of a determination fo entire and unreferved are rarely met with. Let us take man kind as they are. Let us diftribute the virtues and abilities of individuals according to the offices they affect, and when they quit the fervice, let us endeavour to fupply their places with better men than we have loft. In this country, there are always candidates enough for popular favour. The Temple of Fame is the fhortest paffage to riches and preferment.

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Above all things, let me guard may countrymen against the meannefs and folly of accepting of a trifling or moderate compensation for ex

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