fide, our warmest patriots would disclaim me as a burthen to their honeft ambition. On the other, the vileft prostitution, if Junius could defcend to it, would lofe its natural merit and influence in the cabinet, and treachery be no longer a recommendation to the royal favour.

The perfons, who, till within these few years, have been moft diftinguished by their zeal for high church and prerogative, are now, it seems, the great affertors of the privileges of the House of Commons. This fudden alteration of their fentiments or language carries with it a fufpicious appearance. When I hear the undefined privileges of the popular branch of the legislature exalted by tories and jacobites, at the expence of those strict rights, which are known to the subject and limited by the laws, I cannot but fufpect, that fome mifchievous scheme is in agitation, to destroy both law and privilege, by oppofing them to each other. They who have uniformly denied the power of the whole legislature to alter the defcent of the crown, and whose ancestors, in rebellion against his Majefty's family, have defended that doctrine at the hazard of their lives, now tell us that privilege of parliament is the only rule of right, and the chief fecurity of the public liberty.-I fear, fir, that,

while forms remain, there has been some material change in the fubftance of our conftitution. The opinions of these men were too abfurd to be easily renounced. Liberal minds are open to conviction -Liberal doctrines are capable of improvement.There are profelytes from atheism, but none from fuperftition. If their prefent profeffions were fincere, I think they could not but be highly offended at seeing a question, concerning parliamentary privilege, unneceffarily ftarted at a feafon fo unfavourable to the House of Commons, and by fo very mean and infignificant a perfon as the minor Onflow. They knew that the present House of Commons, having commenced hoftilities with the people, and degraded the authority of the laws by their own example, were likely enough to be refifted per fas et nefas. If they were really friends to privilege, they would have thought the question of right too dangerous to be hazarded at this feafon, and, without the formality of a convention, would have left it undecided.

I have been filent hitherto, tho' not from that fhameful indifference about the interefts of fociety, which too many of us profefs, and call moderation. I confefs, fir, that I felt the prejudices of my education, in favour of a House of Commons,

ftill hanging about me. I thought that a question, between law and privilege, could never be brought to a formal decifion, without inconvenience to the public fervice, or a manifeft diminution of legal liberty, and ought therefore to be carefully avoided: And when I faw that the violence of the Houfe of Commons had carried them too far to retreat, I determined not to deliver a hafty opinion upon a matter of fo much delicacy and importance.

The fate of things is much altered in this country, fince it was neceffary to protect our reprefentatives against the direct power of the crown. We have nothing to apprehend from prerogative, but every thing from undue influence. Formerly it was the intereft of the people, that the privileges of parliament fhould be left unlimited and undefined. At prefent it is not only their interest, but I hold it to be effentially neceffary to the prefervation of the conftitution, that the privileges of parliament should be strictly afcertained, and be confined within the narroweft bounds the nature of their inftitution will admit of. Upon the fame principle, on which I would have refifted prerogative in the last century, I now refift privilege. It is indifferent to me, whether the crown, by its own immediate act, impofes new, and dispenses

with old laws, or whether the fame arbitrary power produces the fame effects through the medium of the Houfe of Commons. We trufted our reprefentatives with privileges for their own defence and ours. We cannot hinder their desertion, but we can prevent their carrying over their arms to the fervice of the enemy. It will be faid, that I begin with endeavouring to reduce the argument concerning privilege to a mere queftion of convenience; that I deny at one moment what I allow at another; and that to refift the power of a proftituted House of Commons may establish a precedent injurious to all future parliaments.-To this I anfwer generally, that human affairs are in no infance governed by ftrict pofitive right. If change of circumstances were to have no weight in directing our conduct and opinions, the mutual intercourse of mankind would be nothing more than a contention between pofitive and equitable right. Society would be a state of war, and law itself would be injuftice. On this general ground it is highly reafonable, that the degree of our fubmiffion to privileges, which have never been defined by any positive law, fhould be confidered as a queftion of convenience, and proportioned to the confidence we repofe in the integrity of our repre

fentatives. As to the injury we may do to any future and more respectable Houfe of Commons, I own I am not now fanguine enough to expect a more plentiful harvest of parliamentary virtue in one year than another. Our political climate is feverely altered; and without dwelling upon the depravity of modern times, I think no reasonable man will expect that, as human nature is conftituted, the enormous influence of the crown should cease to prevail over the virtue of individuals. The mischief lies too deep to be cured by any remedy, less than fome great convulfion, which may either carry back the conftitution to its original principles, or utterly deftroy it. I do not doubt that, in the first feffion after the next election, fome popular measures may be adopted. The prefent House of Commons have injured themfelves by a too early and public profeffion of their principals; and if a strain of prostitution, which had no example, were within the reach of emulation, it might be imprudent to hazard the experiment too foon. But after all, fir, it is very immaterial whether a House of Commons fhall preserve their virtue for a week, a month, or a year. The influence, which makes a feptennial parliament dependent upon the pleasure of the

crown,