Faction will always fow her feeds in the best governments; why not in mine, as well as another's? It is her peculiar province to distort the truth which she cannot annihilate and an erroneous fight is fometimes more pernicious than total blindness. Through her glass, the most minute object appears very confiderable; why then should we wonder at the aggrandizement of Mr. Wilkes, when it is known he appears fo, only through the microscope of faction?

The expulfion of Mr. Wilkes, and the election of Col. Luttrell, afford a wide field for censure to expatiate in. Like other controverted points they may be agitated a long time, and may never be brought to a decifion, The lawyers have argued the cafe pro and con; each fide is fanguine; each thinks himself in the right. But how are we to know on which fide the truth lies, when each oppofite party avers that it lies on his? The only judge of these controverfies, the house of Commons, have indeed decided the cafe. Shall I fnatch the balance out of their hands? Shall I fhew myself arbitrary because I am accufed, falfely accused of being fo? Shall I overturn the power of parliament, one of the pillars of the conftitu tion? and take a step that would give defpotifm all the advantages it defires over freedom? No! was raised to govern a free people. I would

fcorn

fcorn to be king over a nation of flaves. The greatest glory of an earthly king is to resemble the King of kings; and his fervice is perfect freedom. It is a remarkable circumftance in my favour, that the same persons that cenfure my conduct fix the brand of calumny upon the great fenate of the kingdom. In days of defpotism the monarch and the parliament were always at variance; and it is an infallible symptom of civil liberty and conftitutional rectitude, that all the three branches of the conftitution fhould be unanimous. Shall I cut down the prop which fupports my palace? The voice of faction may demand it; but the voice of freedom irrefiftibly forces me to leave the national council without control. It fhall be free; I would fooner be enslaved myself, than promote the triumphs of flavery. The affections of my fubjects cannot be purchased too dearly. I live only to promote their welfare. While I regulate my conduct upon the principles of reason, I am fecure of the love of all the lovers of their country. My intereft is infeparable from theirs, and while they have any regard for themselves they cannot but have as great a one for me. The calm, the dipaffionate, the rational fubject has already affured me of his loyalty; I can have no other enemy but the foe to his country, and the enemy of order. I can never

be

be hated or defpifed while I purfue the paths of honour and juftice. Nor fhall my conduct be perverted by the clamours of malcontents.-Non civium ardor prava jubentium, is a maxim that describes and ennobles the duty of royalty. Inconfiftency only can give birth to contempt. Malevolence is the only parent of hatred. As I fhall avoid both the progenitors, I am under no apprehenfion from their offspring. Afk me not upon what part of my subjects I would rely upon for assistance? I claim the affiftance of all. I claim it upon, the natural right of a parent; and the fon may as foon draw his fword upon his father, as any of my fub. jects may upon me.

Ireland knows I have merited her efteem; tho' the daughter, fhe is not lefs careffed than the mother. America may be confidered in the fame light. Neither of them would murmur from what they feel, but from what they have been taught. The complaints of either are not the complaints of distress, but the mere echoes of feditious demagogues. It is true they may make a noife; but the voice, if articulate, is not fuggefted by a heart, which hath felt a real pang. Not doubtful of finding many an unperverted subject in either of those regions, I am ftill lefs doubtful of my northern fubjects. If royal favours can fecure fidelity, I may affure myself of their's. When their conduct

is

is altered from what it has been, they have a claim not only for forgivenefs, but likewife for reward. And having already tafted the fweets of allegiance, they can have no caufe for not being faithful. best resource.

The army is neither my laft nor my The guards deferve my protection, and being nearest my perfon cannot but claim my attention. The other regiments may wish to be guards, and if the guards were to be fubftituted in their place, they would wish to be my guards again. This is an honour, which only one part of the military can enjoy, and to grieve or to grow. fullen on that account would be to realize the fable of the conteft between the belly and its members. The marching regiments have a strong fenfe of the great original duty they owe their country; I have no caufe to doubt their fidelity. To doubt, would be to deferve➡ Every department of the army has had all the rewards they purchased by their merits. Their eminent services have raised them to eminent pofts.

Nor can there ever exift the fame

conteft here as

among the Romans; the prætorian bands and the diftant legions will never be at yariance, and if they fhould be, it would not be in the power of the distant legions, nor even of the prætorian bands to give away the empire of Great Britain.

Which way foever I look, I fee no cause for perplexity or distress. I have deserved the affecti

ons

God

ons of my subjects and will rely upon them. Our happiness is interwoven, is incorporated. has joined them together-let no mortal therefore dare to put them afunder.-To exert prerogative to its full extent would be to procure a divorce. To exert it in a cafe, in which I have no immediate concern, would be to forfeit what I value more than life; it would be to forfeit the confidence of future parliaments, and even the confidence of all my subjects in general. It is both my interest and my duty to prevent the three eftates from encroach. ing upon the province of each other. With what face can I then begin the encroachment, or depart from the conftitutional line, which terminates the fphere of my prerogative?

The liberties taken with the prefent house of Commons deferve no countenance, as they have no foundation. General cenfure is no censure at all; it is a tribute which commonly attends defert and it is the indication of merit likewife. All parliaments have been blamed more or lefs, and till there be a poffibility of meeting with one that shall please all parties, it would be in vain to struggle for it. The very impoffibility is a ftrong proof of the flourishing state of freedom. Only in a state of flavery, all fubjects are of one opinion.

I fhould be poor indeed, if the fortune which made me a King forbad me to have a friend. Every

one