been doing had, it seems, been conveyed to King Otho, who straightway returned in alarm, and before the boat which conveyed him from the ship touched the soil of Greece, Count Armansperg was ignominiously dismissed. Arbitrary 'dominion resumed its tyrannical rule-injustice, oppression, and wrong were re-established in their old supremacy; and such is the system which has ruled supreme in Greece ever sinee. Well, to proceed. The right honorable gentleman dwelt last night on the case of the man Sumachi, who was tortured; and he set out by saying that he did not believe Sumachi's statement, and that Sir Edmund Lyons was just the man ready to receive and record any unauthenticated case bearing against the Greek government. Sir, I say that Sir Edmund Lyons is a man who, after eight or nine years' service as minister of Athens, received, as a token of his sovereign's approbation, the Grand Cross of the Bath; and I hope that a gentleman who has been thus specially and highly honored is at least entitled to have his official assertions believedat all events until the contrary shall have been shown. But is this case of Sumachi a single instance? No. over and over again been applied in Greece. repeat, is commonly applied in Greece. I can prove innumerable instances of it. One is so disgusting that I cannot mention it; yet I ought to mention it—I will mention it. I feel that it ought to be told, that we may at least know what these people, of whom so much has been said, really are. How do they torture women? They attach cats to their naked persons, and then flog the animals, that in their furious struggles they may lacerate the flesh to which they are tied. Another species of torture is this: a man is tied, hands, feet, and head together, and in this position flung upon the Torture has Torture, I ground and bastinadoed. And still, sir, the right honorable gentleman is right-perfectly right-in saying that all such atrocities are forbidden by the constitution of Greece. But what is the value of that constitution? I say, sir, not so much as that of the paper on which it is written. It has been set aside, violated, outraged in every respect and in every way. It exists but in name; while oppression and corruption reign in unmitigated horror in its room. And now, sir, I dismiss the right honorable gentleman and his Greek arguments. I trust I have given him and them satisfactory answers. Transcendent as are the abilities of the right honorable gentleman, I believe that even his talents will not support a case when truth is in the other scale. But truth, if it does not prevail here, will prevail elsewhere. The country is beginning to appreciate what is the truth in this question. The country will fully appreciate, too, the motives which induce you, after four years of silence, now at length to come forward and attack the noble lord at the head of the foreign affairs of this country. But whatever may be the result here, I tell you that the people of England will only rally the more heartily around that government which stands pledged to extend the safeguard of its power to all its subjects, in whatever land their business may have led them; and which is also able and willing, if on any occasion it may be too late to interfere for the purposes of protection, at all events to stand forward and to demand from them reparation and redress. BROWNSON 0 RESTES AUGUSTUS BROWNSON, a versatile American writer and theologian, was born at Stockbridge, Vermont, in 1803. Not until he had joined the Presbyterian Church in 1821 and become a Universalist minister in 1825, and later a Unitarian, did he at last, in 1844, find rest in the Catholic fold. In 1838 he founded the Boston "Quarterly Review" and published a novel entitled "Charles Elwood, or the Infidel Converted." He was a popular lecturer and writer on literary and theological topics. He died in Detroit, April 16, 1876. G ORATION ON LIBRARY STUDIES DELIVERED IN BALTIMORE, JUNE 29, 1853 ENTLEMEN,-I thank you very sincerely for the honor of being selected as your orator on this most interesting anniversary to you and your personal friends. It is always an honor to be called upon to address those who are preparing themselves in academic halls, or having completed their academic course, are bidding adieu to the quiet and peaceful scenes of college life, and taking their leave of beloved classmates and venerated profesors, to go forth and bear an active and honorable part in the multifarious affairs of this work-day world; but it is more especially so to be invited to address a literary society connected with this venerable college of Mount St. Mary, already so rich in classic associations, so hallowed by the memory of saintly virtues, and so dear to every American Catholic heart for the eminent servants of the church of God it has nurtured. Although I may repeat several things which I ventured to advance in this hall some five years since, I have thought that I could not better respond to the confidence which calls me here than by inviting my young friends to follow me in some remarks on liberal studies in relation to the wants of a free State. I shall have thus the advantage of treating a subject to which your minds must have often been turned during your collegiate course and of connecting what has been your occupation as students with what are to be your practical duties as American citizens. Liberal studies, as the name itself implies, whether etymologically or historically considered, are those studies or those arts which are proper for the free as distinguished from the menial or servile classes of society, or, in more modern language, the nobility as distinguished from the people, gentlemen as distinguished from simplemen. Originally "nobleman" meant nothing more or less than "freeman," and in Hungary to-day all freemen are noble. The distinction of society into two classes, the one free, the other servile, the one noble and the other low, or the one gentle and the other simple, is older than profane history, and in one form and under one name or another has always existed; and, as long as human nature remains what it is, probably will continue to exist. Perfect equality of ranks and conditions is never found, is never to be expected, and is, indeed, incompatible with the very idea of society itself. The distinction, whether a good or an evil, is a fact in all society, and in vain do we seek by political constitutions, social arrangements, and legislative enactments to obliterate or disguise it. It exists and reappears at every step under all forms of civil polity and social organization—in democratic America no less than in aristocratic England, feudal Germany, monarchical France, and despotic Turkey; in the so-called free States of the North no less than in the slave States of the South. The entire universe, having its proto type in the eternal nature of God, in the ever-blessed Trinity, unity in essence and distinction in persons, is hierarchic ly organized and governed, and save in the sense of justice between man and man, and man and society, equality is an idle dream, an empty word-nay, an impious word, fit only to be inscribed on the blood-red banner of the atheistical revolutionist. Whoso seeks to reduce all men to the same level, whether by levelling downwards or by levelling upwards, wars against God and nature. Diversities of ranks and conditions are in the order of divine Providence, and obtain even in heaven, where there are many mansions, and where the saints differ from each other as one star differs from another in glory. Society without them is inconceivable, and were undesirable. It would be as dull and as monotonous as the boundless sandy plain diversified by no variety of hill and dale, mountain and valley, land and water-where the flocks and herds find no pasture, the bird no grove or bush from which to carol, and man no habitation. It would lose all its charms, all its variety, all its activity, and become stagnant and putrid as the ocean when the long calm sleeps on its bosom. Order is Heaven's first law, and this confessed, You of the South consist of freemen and slaves, of gentle and simple, and so do we of the North. In both sections we find at bottom the same distinction of classes, though while you have the manliness to avow it we have the art to disguise it from the careless observer under the drapery of fine names. You call your slaves by their proper name, and while you impose upon them the duties of slaves you relieve them from the cares and burdens of freemen; we call our slaves freemen and impose on them the labors and burdens of |