By WILLIAM BITTLE WELLS

A Change in the Character

of the Presidency

It is perhaps a generally recognized fact among close observers of political progress that within the last two decades the power and responsibility of the President of the United States have appreciably increased. While the position itself has always been one of great influence and grave responsibilities, it is only comparatively recently that it could be asserted to be the "most important executive position in the entire world."

It is not difficult to find an explanation for this fact. In the first place, while the constitutional limitations of the powers of the President have always been the same, and while there has been a great difference in the men who have been exalted to the Fresidency, those who have occupied the Presidential chair, in performing the duties of the office, have been controlled more by precedent than by the constitutional limitations upon their powers. So far reaching, so important, and so great are the powers granted to the President by the Constitution, however, that had there been an ambitious man like Caesar in Washington's place, by simply using to the fullest extent the powers delegated to him he could not only have blocked almost all legislation that was unsatisfactory to him, but he could have inade himself a dictator and the Constitution a failure. Washington and his immediate successors undoubtedly realized the tremendous power that was placed in their hands, but they made a wise, temperate use of it, and thereby set a precedent that the Nation came to look upon as the proper interpretation of the prerogatives of the Presidency. Important as has been precedent, however, in determining the character of the Presidency, perhaps, apart from patriotism and the

loyalty which every American has for the form of his government and its welfare, the most restraining influence in keeping the occupant of the Presidential chair from assuming the airs of an autocrat or becoming a dictator, though not going beyond the actual powers granted him by the Constitution, is the knowledge that he is elected for a short term of office; that he has been placed there by the people and is amenable to them for his actions. Under these circumstances the man who is so fortunate as to reach the Fresidency of the United States must be animated by the most intense desire, while being as conservative. as possible, to please the nation by doing. his whole duty to the best of his ability. In consequence of the facts outlined, the Presidency has not assumed the importance in the eyes of the world that would have been the case had there been a more assertive, monarchical interpretation of its character.

Another, and very important explanation of the fact that the Presidency has only recently attracted the attention of the world lies in the fact that it is only within the last twenty years that America has taken a leading place in the political and economic world. With the coming of the young giant of the West to the age of maturity, however, and with his inroads into the markets of the world, there has been a very different attitude assumed towards him. Naturally, during the first hundred years of the life of this nation, the old monarchies of Europe would look upon us with disdain, if not contempt. The American Nation was not a power in the world. It was only proving itself-proving, as Lincoln so well said, "whether any nation so conceived and so dedicated, can long endure." Consequently it was of comparatively little moment to Europe what kind of a man filled the Presidential chair or

what interpretation he made of its prerogatives. But with a people characterized by those qualities that have brought about the most remarkable industrial progress that the world has ever seen, it was inevitable that a time would come when the nations of the world should look eagerly to Washington for its attitude on great questions and should view with more or less anxiety the changes wrought by a Presidential election. That that time is here and now has been made evident by the death of Mr. McKinley and the accession of Mr. Roosevelt. Whether we wish it or not, whether it is for the best or the worst, the fact is clear,-America is a world power. It was either this or retrogression. No individual, no nation can stand still. As the first hundred years of our national life have passed into history, the American people as a body have been changed just as years change an individual. Tempus mutantur et nos mutamur in illis. It is inevitable.

It is an accepted fact that a g eat man is, as a rule, the product of his times. It was so of Shakespeare; it was so of Washington and Lincoln; it is so of Edison and other great men of today. They

are a reflection of the characteristics of their age. Therefore, when we turn to the Presidency we may expect to find a representative of the feelings of dignity and stability that years have given to the American Republica man who has been the product of this gradual change. in the body politic. Mr. Cleveland was perhaps the first President who, in an unmistakable degree, represented this change. The country felt at once that there was something distinctly different. in the interpretation that Mr. Cleveland made of the Presidential prerogatives from that which has been made by his predecessors. Not that there had been an usurpation of rights, powers, or privileges. The Presidency had simply assumed the importance which time and a proper recognition of its responsibilities had made inevitable. Nor was this due, as some have maintained, to the use that was made of the veto power. There was a feeling throughout the nation that Mr. Cleveland thoroughly understood the great office, and this feeling was clearly reflected in Europe, where America be

came more respected and took a higher standing than ever before in her history. Time has served to increase this respect for the government at Washington. The war with Spain and its far-reaching consequences have given to the Presidency a power and responsibility that it never before possessed. Through this fact and the working together of the causes which we have enumerated, the Fresident has come to be recognized throughout the world as the actual and powerful representative of the American Nation. His influence, when we consider the position of the United States in the political, financial, and industrial affairs of the world, must be acknowledged to be great. Indeed, we may go so far as to say that there is now no monarch in Christendom who wields a more potent influence over the affairs of men.

The Accession of

Mr. Roosevelt

Theodore Roosevelt has been favored by fortune as have few other men in public life today. To say this is not to undervalue in any way the sterling qualities that he possesses, for it is probable

that through them alone he might have attained to his present high eminence. When the Vice-Presidency was forced upon him, however, it was generally thought that this would prove the end of his political career, and such was the evident intention and expectation of the machine which brought about his nomination. Yet fortune, through the death of Mr. McKinley, has raised him to the Presidency, and the country is realizing that it has in him one of the most interesting of Presidents, and a man whose mental, moral and physical qualities eminently fit him for the high position he holds. In many respects Roosevelt is a typical American. He is not the representative of any particular section. He is the first Fresident who is in touch with, and understands the West as well as the East. Roosevelt is a man who understands himself, and, unless all signs fail, he will be President just as Cleveland was a man of convictions and the ability and determination to stand by them. He will not, therefore, be con

trolled by any faction. In fact, Roosevelt is fitted by nature and by training to make an ideal President. He has had a thorough education, and is a clear, forcible thinker. He is a man of sympathies, energy, enthusiasm and determination, a genuine whole-souled American, untainted by false, degenerating aristocratic tendencies. A man so blessed by nature and training, when exalted to the highest position within the gift of a people, has before him a great opportunity for himself and for his country. Especially is this true at this time, when America has taken her place as one of the leading powers of the world. Roosevelt will grasp his opportunity, make the most of it, and become a blessing to the land, is the belief of all who have studied his remarkable and brilliant

career.

An Anglo-Saxon Alliance

That

Unfortunately the world has not yet abolished the dreadful scourge of war, and as long as its possibility lasts there will be a necessity for offensive and defensive alliances among the nations. The trend of events during the past few years seems to indicate that an Anglo-Saxon alliance will be an inevitable outcome of the future. America and England are rapidly drawing closer and closer together. If there were no other reason

for this, the great fact that we speak the same language and are animated by largely the same ideals would be sufficient to cement the nations together. But there are other important factors that are tending to produce what would prove to be the strongest alliance in the history of the world. Among these are our common commercial and financial interests, and our numerous and rapidly increasing intermarriages. So strong have become the ties that bind the two nations together that the possibility of war between them is almost, if not quite, as far removed as is the possibility of civil war in our own country. While we do not advocate an alliance at the present time, inasmuch as our national policy has always been against "entangling foreign alliances," there may come a time when it would be folly to let this policy keep us from an alliance with Englandan alliance that would probably be the most effective means that could be devised for keeping the peace of the world. Nor can we forget England's attitude during the Spanish war, when a word from her might have united the entire armies and navies of Europe against us. Though we may have our differences, England today is the truest friend we have, and we can, therefore, afford to forget the "worn-out tale" of our revɔlutionary days.

Ballade of Literary Letters

Of old it was an easy thing

To write a letter to one's dear,
To line the words we felt, and cling
To simple sentiments and clear:
But times are sadly changed, we hear-
Love grows enamoured of the mint:

We pen our lines with care and fear-
Our letters must be fit to print.

No more in our accustomed way
We say the tender things we mean;
Our letters may be made to play

A part in book or magazine.

Ah me! They once by one were seenWe did not have to hedge or hint;

But now the public comes betweenOur letters must be fit to print.

L'Envoi.

Whene'er the lean wolf snarled of old,
A man sought friends without demur,
Or left his watch in Shylock's hold,

Or starved or stole, as he'd prefer;
But now he takes the notes of Her,
The honeyed lines she did not stint,
And hies them to a publisher-
Our letters must be fit to print.

Sweetheart, henceforth with words alone
Shall Love his fond expressions tint,
It grieves me sore, yet must I own
My letters are not fit to print.

-Theodosia Garrison in October Century

An Honored American To an American has been given the honor of representing Siam at the international court of arbitration. The American thus distinguished is Frederick W. Holls of New York. At the present time Mr. Holls is engaged in a sightseeing tour of Europe.

Mr. Holls will be remembered as the secretary of the American delegation to the peace conference held at The Hague in 1899. One of the results of that meeting was the establishment of a permanent court of arbitration. It is to this that Mr. Holls is to act as Siam's delegate.

Frederick William Holls is a lawyer

by profession, but he has also gained laurels as a scholar, an author and a traveler. He is a native of Pennylvania and is 44 years old. He was educated