154 True State of the Squabbles must be abhorrent and fhocking to a poffeffor of the throne upon the act of fettlement !-However, hear a dying patriot. : "God will not fuffer this land, where the gospel has flourished more than in any part of the world, to become enflaved he will not fuffer it to be made a land of graven images: he will stir up witneffes of the truth, and, in his own time, fpirit his people to ftand up for his cau'e, and deliver them." So faid the glorious ALGERNON SIDNEY *————and he added, “I lived in this belief, and am now about to die in it."- -Glorious man! So may it ever be, fays SIDNEY'S ADMIRER. March of the addrefs to read, and told him he might fign the address then on the table if he thought proper. Mr. Lovel having read it, anfwered, That he did not approve of the addrefs; that he would wait till the body of merchants were met, and hear their debate, whether it was adviseable to addrefs his majefty or not, agreeable to their advertisement in the papers; for Mr. Lovel could not be fuppofed to believe that Mr. Peter Muilman and Mr. Dingley, and a few others, had actually taken upon themselves to become dicators to the merchants of London; or that they had resolved upon, and framed an addrefs, which was to be humbly fubfcribed without enquiry or debate: but fuch was the WHEREAS many attempts have politeness which prevailed at this been made to mifreprefent the tranfactions at the King's Arms on Wednesday and Friday laft, the following authentic narration is fubmited to the public; and the gentlemen who were prefent at either of thofe meetings, especially thofe whofe names are mentioned, are appealed to for the truth of this account. Many days, previous to Wednesday, March 8, the following advertisement was published: The merchants, tra ders, and principal inhabitants of London, are defired to meet on Wednefday the 8th of March, at the King's Arms, to confider whether any mea. fures are advileable to be taken by them in the prefent fituation of public affairs, in order to teftify their loyalty and zeal for his majelty, his illuftrious family, and our happy conftitution." On the very day of the appointed meeting, the addreffers advertifed, "That being apprifed fome ill-difpoled perfons had formed a plan to create confufion at the meeting (in which it was propofed to confider whether it was advijeable to addrefs his majefty) they, that is feveral merchants, had refilved upon, and framed an addrefs, which was lodged at the King's Arms tavern to be fubfcribed, &c. &c." When Mr. Lovel went into the room, having paid his fhilling as ufual for the use of it, he found Mr. Muilmn, Mr. Dingley, and a few others. Mr. Peter Muilman gave him a copy courtly meeting, that Mr. Dingley and Mr. Muilman ordered Mr. Lovel to leave the room if he would not fign the addrefs. Mr. Lovel replied, He had paid his fhilling at the door; that he apprehended he had a right to be there, and would fay; and that he thought their attempting to fmuggle an address was an affront to the body of merchants. About this time Mr. Reynolds came in, and Mr. Charles Dingley, on his entering the room, came up to him and faid, "Mr. Reynolds, you have no business here;you are a marked man; we do not like your complexion;-no man is invited who will not fign the addrefs." Mr. Reynolds replied, I have paid the toll at the door, and come here as an inhabitant of London, in confequence of the public notice given in the papers for many days past." Mr. Samuel Vaughan having alfo paid his fhilling for the ufe of the room, came up to the table, and was going to read the addrefs, but Mr. Peter Muilman interrupted him, and faid, "Sir, Sir, you are not to read it; you may fign it if you please, or withdraw." Mr. Vaughan replied, as a merchant of London, "I have a right to read it, and I will read it? if I approve of it, I will fign it; if not, I will mention my objections at the proper time." Mr. Muilman giving him a copy to read, faid, that the addrefs was not to be debated..." Your only option is to fign, or withdraw." See his Apology on the day of his death, p. 198. Edit. 1763. There 1769. At the King's-Arms. There were at this time many people in the room, and on Mr. Charles Pole's coming in, they called out, "Mr. Pole in the chair;" but the addreffers, who pretended to be fo very apprehenfive that ill-difpofed perfons would create confufion, determined to prevent this by violently oppofing all order: they cried, "No chair, No chair," with the utmott fury, and threatened to turn down ftairs all who called for any chairman. Mr. Peter Muilman in particular came up to Mr. Vaughan, and in a threatening, infulting manner, fuch as is only used by the lower clafs of people when they want to breed a riot, cried out, "No chair, No chair." eight or ten times. Many of the addreffers, animated by the example of this their leader, acted the fame heroic part, and the confufion became general. The chair was the object of the battle fome fecured the frameothers the feat, and for a fhort time theje abborrers of diforder triumphed in having created a compleat fcene of confution. Another chair was foon obtained---feveral gentlemen were requefted to take it, but they refused; at laft Mr. Vaughan accepted of it in compliance with many repeated folicitations, and was put in the chair accordingly. Mr. Reynolds was near him, when Mr. Charles Dingley came up and ftruck Mr. Reynolds a violent blow in his face with his fift, politely faying, you are a d-n'd Scoundrei; and on this provocation Mr. Reynolds knocked him down.--- Many were the attempts to difpoffefs Mr. Vaughan of the chair-feveral trokes were made at him with fticks and canes, but the blows were warded off by his friends.---The chairman for fome time attempted in vain to compole the tumult, for the addreffers endeavoured by stamping, clapping, &c. &c. to prevent any perfons being heard. But as thefe difgraceful measures could not long find a party to fupport them, many of the principal addreffers thought proper to retire with their addrefs. The caufes of the tumult being removed, peace, good order, and good manners immediately enfued,It was 155 moved and agreed to, that a committee fhould be appointed to prepare an address, and that the meeting fhould be adjourned to the Friday following, March the roth. Pursuant to this adjournment, there was a very large and refpectable meeting. The harmony and good manners which prevailed on this fecond day, is at least a strong prefumption that there were more gentlemen at the fecond meeting than at the first. If any perfons think it worth while to ascertain' the numbers, Mr. Holefworth, at the King's Arms tavern, can inform them, that on Friday, when the question on the refolutions was put, the meeting was more numerous by at least fifty or fixty than at any one time on the preceding meeting on Wednesday the 8th. The refolutions which were reportIed from the committee at this fecond meeting were twice read by David Evans, Efq; and on the question being put, Whether the refolutions fhould be agreed to or not, it paffed fo far unanimoufly, that on the negative being put the first time one hand only was held up, throught miftake (as the gentleman himself acknowledged), but on it's being put a fecond time not one hand was held up against it. Mr. Cooper, of Token-Houfe Yard, made fome very juft obfervations on the impropriety of any addrefs, and concluded with a motion that the refolutions thould be figned by the gentlemen who had fo unanimously agreed to them; but this Motion was foon withdrawn, it having been very properly urged, that as it was unprecedented, it was for that reafon alone improper. It was then moved, and unanimously agreed to, that the refolutions fhould be figned by the chairman, and published in all the papers, which was accordingly done. The whole was conducted with good manners. Every perfon who attempted to fpeak, was heard; and as no perfons made any objections to the refolutions, they were figned by the chair. man, and the gentlemen departed, giving a full proof, by the fhortness of the time engaged, that the meatures they had taken were fo evidently right, as to be inftantly approved. U 2 We, 156 Impartial Review of New Publications. March We, whose names are underwritten, gave himself to the treafury on Weddeclare the above relation, to be ftrict- nefday the 8th inftant. ly and literally true; and Mr. Dingley in particular is requested to compare the above account with that which he SAMUEL VAUGHAN. MICHAEL LOVELL. JOHN REYNOLDS. An IMPARTIAL REVIEW of NEW PUBLICATIONS. ARTICLE I. THE Hiftory of the Reign of the Emperor Charles V. with a View of the Pregrefs of Society in Europe. From the fubverfion of the Roman Empire, to the beginning of the fixteenth Century. In 3 vols. 4to. By William Robertfon, D. D. Principal of the Unive fity at Edinburgh, and Hiftoriographer to bis Majesty for Scotland, 21. 12s. 6d. Strahan. It is with the greatest pleasure we congratulate the public on this very valuable acqui fition to the world of letters-no period was perhaps ever more important than the period of which the hiftory before us treats, and it is barely juice to the truly ingenious author to acknowlege that he has not only executed his arduous undertaking with accuracy but with elegance, and not only opened an ample field of knowledge but of on ertaiement to his readers-in reality we do not know a work of the hiftorical kind where the heart is fo likely to be interested, while the understanding is improved, as the article which we are now fpeaking of-ard as from this character the purchalers of the London Magazine wil naturally be defirous of extract, we have selected feveral for the gratification of their curiofity-the following account of the origin of ftanding armies in Europe, mut be particularly acceptable to an Engl fhman, who loves to examine the progrefs of defpo i'm in other countries, to guard against the fatal effects of it in his own. "During the courfe of the fifteenth century, various events happened, which, by giving princes more entire command of the forces, in their respective dominions, rendered their operations more vigorous and extenfive. In confequence of this, the affais of different kingdoms becoming more fre quently as well as more intimately connected, they were gradually accustomed to act in concert and confederacy, and were infen. fily preparing and forming a fyftem of policy, in order to establish or to preserve fuch a ba lance of power as was met confiftent with the general fec rity. It was during the reign of Charles the Filth, that the ideas, on which this fyftem is founded, first came to be understood. It was then, that the maxims by which it has been uniformly maintained funce that era were univertally adopted On this account, a view of the caufes and events which contributed to efta bl fh a plan of policy more falutary and extentive than any that has taken place in the conduct of human affairs, is not only a neceffary introduction to the following work, but is a capital object in the hiftory of Europe. The first event that occafioned any confiderable alteration in the arrangement of affairs in Europe, was the annexation of the extensive territories, which England poffelfed on the continent, to the crown of France. While the English were mafters of the most fertile and opulent provinces in France, and a great part of its moft martial inhabitants were bound to follow their ftandard, their monarchs confidered themselves rather as the rivals, than as the vasals of the fovereign of whom they held. The Kings of France, circumferibed and thwarted in their schemes and operations by an adverfary no less jealous than formidable, durft not venture upon any enterprize of impor tance or of difficulty. The English were always at hand, ready to ppose them. They disputed even their right to their crown, and being able to penetrate, with ease, into the heart of the kingdom, could arm against them thofe very hands which ought to have been employed in their defence. Timid counfels, and feeble efforts were natural to monarchs in fuch a fituation. France, difmembred and over awed, could not attain its proper flation in the system of Europe. But the death of Henry of England, happily for Fance, and not unfortunately for his own country, delivered the French from the Calamity of having a foreign mater fested on their throne. The weak nefs, of a long minority, the diffentions in the English court, together with the unfteady and languid conduct which thefe occafioned, afforded the French a favourable opportunity of recovering the territories which they had loft. The native valour of the nobility of France, heightened to an enthufiaftick confisence, by a fuppofed interpofition of heaven in their behalf, conducted in the field by skilful leaders; and directed in the cabinet by a prudent monarch; was exerted with fuch vigour and fuccefs, during this tavo rable juncture, as not only wrefted from the Engith their new conquefts, but fript them of their their ancient poffeffions, and reduced them within the narrow precincts of Calais, and its petty territory. As foon as fo many confiderable provinces were re-united to their dominions, the kings of France, confcious of this acquifition of ftrength, began to form bolder fchemes of interior policy, as well as of foreign operations. They immediately became formidable to their neighbours, who began to fix their attention on measures and motions, the importance of which they fully perceived. From this æra, France, poffeffed of the advanta es which it derives from the fituation and contiguity of its territories, as well as from the number, and valour of its people, role to new influence in Europe, and was the fire power in a condition to give alarm to the jealousy or fears of the flates around it. Nor was France indebted for this increafe of importance meerly to the reunion of the provinces which had been torn from it. A, circumftance attended the recovery of thefe, which, though less confiderable, and lefs obferved, contributed not a little to give additional vigour and decifion to all the efforts of that monarchy. During the obftinate fir ggles between France and England, all the defects of the military system, under the feudal government were fentibly felt. war of long continuance languished, when carried on by troops bound and accufomed to keep the field only for a few weeks. Armies, compofed chiefly of heavy armed cavalry, were unfit either for the attack or the defence of the many towns and cafils, which it became necellary to guard or to reduce. In order to obtain fuch permanent and effective force as became req sifire during there lengthen a contefts, the Kings of *France took into their pay confiderable bands of mercenary foldiers, levied fometimes among their own fubjects, and fometimes in foreign countries. But as the feudal policy provided no fufficient fund for fuch extraordinary fervice, these adventurers were cif miffed at the clofe of every campaign, or upon any pro pect of accommodation; and having been little accustomed to the restraints of difcipline, they frequently turned their arms against the country which they had been hired to defend, and defolated it with no lefs cruelty than its foreign enemies. A A body of troops kept conftantly on foot, and regular y trained to fubordination, would have fupplied what was wanting in the feudal conftitution, and have furnished princes with the means of executing enterprizes, to which they were then unequal. Such an effablishment, however, was fo repugnant to the genius of feudal policy, and fo incompatible with the privileges and pretentions of 157 the nobles, that during feveral centuries no monarch was either fo bold, or fo powerful, as to venture on any step towards introducing it. At laft, Charles VII. availing himself of the reputation which he had acquired by his fuccefTes against the English, and taking advantage of the impreffions of terror which fuch a formidable enemy had left upon the minds of his fubjects, executed that which his predeceffor durft not attempt. Under pretence of keeping always on foot a force fufficient to defend the kingdom against any fudden invasion of the English, he, at the time when he disbanded his other troops, retained under arms a body of nine thousand cavalry, and of fixteen thousand infantry. He appropriated funds for the regular payment of thefe, he ftationed them in different places of the kingdom, according to his plea ure; and appointed the officers, who commanded and difciplined them. prime nobility courted this fervice, in which they were taught to depend on their fovereign, to execute his orders, and to look up to him as the judge and rewarder of their merit. The feudal militia, compofed of the vaffals whom the nobles could call out to follow The their fandard, as it was in no degree com. parable to a body of foldiers regularly trained to war, funk gradually in reputation. The ftrength of armies came to be estimated only by the number of difciplined men which they contained. In less than a century the nobles and their military tenants, though fometimes fummoned to the field, according to ancient form, were condered as an incumbrance upon the troops with which they acted; and were viewed with contempt by foldiers accuftomed to the vigorous and steady operations of regolar fervice. Thus the regulations of Charles the Seventh, by eftablishing the first flanding army known in Europe, occafioned an important revolution in its affairs and policy. By depriving the nobles of that direction of the military force of the ftate, which had raised them to fuch high authority and importance, it gave a deep wound to the feudal aristocracy, in that part where its power feemed to be moft complete. VOL. 3. That our readers may relish the extracts from this very entertaining performance with greater guft, it will be neceffary to inform them that Charles the Fifth was the granofon, by the mother's fide, of Ferdinand and Isabella, King and Queen of Arragon and Caftile, and by his father's fide the grandfon of Maximilian emperor of Germany his father Philip died, at the age of twenty eight, and his mother Joanna, who loved hilip with a moft paffionate extravagance, becoming in confequence of her lofs, wholly • "During all the time of Philip's sickness, no intreaty could prevail on ber, though in the fixib month of ber pregnancy, to leave bim for a moment. When be expired, however, she did 158 Bafe Behaviour of Charles V. wholly unable to manage the moft trifling concerns, Charles entered into a prodigious extent of dominion at a very early period, and on the death of Maximil an getting himself elected emperor in his room his power was fo greatly encreafed that he affected to give law to all Europe-The King of France, the pope, the elector of Saxony, and the la dgrave of Heff: were fucceffively his prifoners and he was univerfally confidered the first character of the age-but he was infolent, cruel, and perfidious, and the following account of his behaviour to the elector of Saxony on his being taken pifoner, muft fink him in every mind tinctured with the fmallest generofity-When the elector was taken, "He was conducted immediarely towards the emperor, whom he found juft returned from the purfuit, ftanding on the field of battle in the full exultation of fuccefs, and receiving the congratulations of his officers, upon this compleat victory obtained by his valour and conduct. Even in such an unfortunate and humbling fituation, the elector's behaviour was equally magnanimous and decent. Senfible of his condition he approached his conqueror without any of the fullennefs or pride, which would have been improper in a captive; and confcious of his own dignity, he defcended to no mean fubmiffion, unbecoming the high station which he held among the German princes. "The fortune of war, faid he, has made me your prifoner, most gracious emperor, and I hope to be treated"Here Charles harshly inter rupted him. "And am I then at last acknowledged to be emperor; Charles of Ghent was the only title you lately allowed me. You shall be treated as you deserve. At thefe words, he turned from him abruptly, with an haughty air. To this cruel repulfe, the King of the Romans added reproaches in his own name, ufing expreffions fill more ungenerous and infulting. The elector made no reply; but, with an unaltered countenance, which difcovered neither aftonishment nor dejection, accompanied the Spanish foldiers appointed to guard him. This decifive victory coft the imperialifts only fifty men. Twelve hundred of the Saxons were killed, chiefly in the purfuit, and a greater number taken prifoners. About March four hundred kept in a body, and escaped to Wittemberg, together with the electoral prince, who had likewife been wounded in the action. After refting two days on the field of battle, partly to refresh his army, and partly to receive the deputies of the ad. jacent towns, which were impatient to fecure his protection by fubmiuing to his will, the emperor began to move towards Wittemberg, that he might terminate the war at once, by the reduction of that city. The unfortunate elector was carried along in a fort of triumph, and expofed every where, as a captive to his own fubjects, a spectacle extremely afflicting to them who both konoured and loved him; though the infult was fo far from fubduing his firm spirit, that it did not even ruffle the wonted tranquillity and compofure of his mind. As Wittemberg, the refidence, in that age, of the electoral branch of the Saxon family, was one of the ftrongest cines in Germany, and would not be taken, if properly defended, without great cifficulty, the emperor marched thither with the utmoft dispatch, hoping that while the confiernation occafioned by his victory was ftill recent, the inhabitants might imitate the example of their countrymen, and fubmit to his power, as foon as he appeared before the walls. But Sybilla of Cleves the elector's wife a woman no lefs diftinguished by her abilities than her virtue, inftead of abandoning herself to tears and lamentation upon het hufband's misfortune, endeavoured, by her example as well as exhortations, to animate the citizens; and the infpired them with fuch refolution, that, when fummoned to furrender, they returned a vigorous anfwer, warning the emperor to behave towards their fovereign with the respect due to his rank, as they were determined to treat Albert of Brandenbourg, who was ftill a prifoner, precifely in the fame manner that he treated him. The spirit of the inhabitants no less than the frength of the city feemed now to render a fiege in form neceffary. Af ter fuch a fignal victory it would have been difgraceful not to have undertaken it, though at the fame time the emperor was deflitute of every thing neceffry for carrying it on."But Maurice (an Ally of the emperor's though a near relation of the elector's) re rot shed one tear, or utter a fingle groan. Her grief was filent and fettled. She continued to watch the dead body with the fame tenderness and attention as if it bad been alive, and though at last she allowed it to be buried, the foon removed it from the tomb to her own apartment. There it was laid upon a bed of flare, in a jplendid drefs; and baving heard from fome monk a legendary tale of a king, who revived after be bad been dead fourteen years, be kept her eyes almoft conftantly fixed on the body, waiting for the bappy moment of its return to life. Nor was this capricious affection for her dead bufband lefs tinctured with jealsufy, than roat which she bad barn to him while alive. She did not permit any of ber female attendants to approach the bed on which bis corpfe was laid; fhe would not Suffer any woman who did not belong to her family to enter the apartment; and rather than grant that privilege to a midwife, though a very aged one bad been chosen on purpose, he bore the princess Catherine without any siber ajjistance than that of ker can domeftics." |