tutions. Its influence upon that Constitution on which the committee were even then engaged. seen in all subsequent Consti- Perhaps no political document of that time is more worthy of study in connection with the genesis not only of our State Constitutions, but of that of the nation likewise. It is now known that, in the original draft, the first fourteen articles were written by George Mason, and the fifteenth and sixteenth by Patrick Henry. The fifteenth article was in these words: Liberty pre served only by adhering to fundamental principles. The first as sertion of re in Virginia. "That no free government, or the blessings of liberty can be preserved to any peoplẹ but by a firm adherence to justice, moderation, temperance, frugality, and virtue, and by frequent recurrence to fundamental principles.' "The sixteenth article is an assertion of the doctrine of religious ligious liberty liberty, the first time that it was ever asserted by authority in Virginia. The original draft, in which Henry followed very closely the language used on that subject by the Independents in the Assembly of Westminster, stood as follows: Original article as writ ten by Patrick Henry. Madison an ardent advocate of relig ious liberty. Religious toleration not religious liberty. Religious lib erty a right, "That religion, or the duty we owe our Creator, and the manner of discharging it, can be directed only by reason and conviction, and not by force or violence; and, therefore, that all men should enjoy the fullest toleration in the exercise of religion, according to the dictates of conscience, unpunished and unrestrained by the magistrate, unless, under color of religion, any man disturb the peace, the happiness, or the safety of society; and that it is the mutual duty of all to practice Christian forbearance, love, and charity towards each other.' Edmund Randolph, manuscript, History of Virginia.'" Tyler's "Patrick Henry," pages 183, 184. Of Madison, who was a member of this convention, history says: "Religious liberty was a matter that strongly enlisted his feelings. When it was proposed that, under the new Constitution, all men should enjoy the fullest toleration in the exercise of religion, according to the dictates of conscience, Madison pointed out that this provision did not go to the root of the matter. The free exercise of religion, according to the dictates of conscience, is something which every man may demand as a right, not something for which he must ask as a privilege. To not a privilege. grant to the state the power of tolerating is implicitly to grant to it the Government, power of prohibiting: whereas Madison would deny to it any jurisdicof right, has tion whatever in the matter of religion. The clause in the Bill of no jurisdiction whatever in Rights, as finally adopted, at his suggestion, accordingly declares that religious mat'all men are equally entitled to the free exercise of religion, according to the dictates of conscience.' The incident not only illustrates Madison's liberality of spirit, but also his precision and forethought in so drawing up an instrument as to make it mean all that it was intended to mean." Appleton's "Cyclopedia of American Biography," volume iv, page 165. ters. Madison's character. The statements in the sixteenth section seemed to be proverbial of the times. The Presbytery of Hanover, in 1776, declared as follows: DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE. IN CONGRESS, JULY 4, 1776. THE UNANIMOUS DECLARATION OF THE THIRTEEN 85 July 4, 1776. We hold these truths to be self-evident that all men are created equal; that they are endowed, by their Creator, with certain unalienable rights; that among these are life, liberty, and the pursuit of "The only proper objects of civil government are the happiness and protection of men in the present state of existence; the security of the life, liberty, and property of the citizen; and to restrain and encourage the virtuous by wholesome laws equally extended to every individual : but the duty that we owe to our Creator, and the manner of discharging it, can only be directed by reason and conviction, and is nowhere cognizable but at the tribunal of the universal Judge. To judge for ourselves, and to engage in the exercise of religion agreeably to the dictates of our own conscience, is an inalienable right, which, upon the principles on which the gospel was first propagated, and the reformation from popery carried on, can never be transferred to another." American principles self evident. litically equal. All men po Man's tem poral welfare the only proper object of government. Manner of religion cogdischarging nizable only at the bar of God. The free exercise of religion an inalienable right. Government has no right to It was also asserted that if the Assembly had a right to determine the preference between Christianity and the other systems of religion give preferthat prevail in the world, they might also at a convenient time give a preference to some favored sect among Christians. Washington entertained the same views: "Every man who conducts himself as a good citizen, is accountable alone to God for his religious faith, and should be protected in worshiping God according to the dictates of his own conscience." 1. United States Statutes at Large," volume i, page 1. 2 On the rights of life and personal liberty, Spencer says: "These are such self-evident corollaries from our first principle [i. e., that "Every man has freedom to do all that he wills, provided that he infringes not the equal freedom of any other man"] as scarcely to need a separate statement. If every man has freedom to do all that he wills, provided he infringes not the equal freedom of any other man, it is manifest that he has a claim to his life: for without it he can do nothing that he has willed; and to his personal liberty: for the withdrawal of it partially, if not wholly, restrains him from the fulfilment of his will. It is just as clear, too, that each man is forbidden to deprive ence to Christianity. Washington's views. Corollaries self-evident from first prin ciple. Governments insti tuted to secure our rights. Jefferson the drafter of the Declaration of The leading statesman of the times. Political views. A firm advocate of religious liberty. Madison the best exponent of Jefferson's principles in the Constitutional Conven happiness. That to secure these rights governments are instituted among men, deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed.1 his fellow of life or liberty, inasmuch as he cannot do this without breaking the law, which, in asserting his freedom, declares that he shall not infringe the equal freedom of any other.' For he who is killed or enslaved is obviously no longer equally free with his killer or enslaver." "Social Statics," chapter 8, section 1. 1 Thomas Jefferson was chairman of the committee appointed to draft the Declaration of Independence, and himself wrote the original, which Independence. met with very little alteration in the committee. Jefferson was both a scholar and a philosopher, and of all the great statesmen that the times produced, he undoubtedly took the lead. His views on government were those laid down by Locke the social compact theory that governments derive their just powers from the consent of the governed, and that no power on earth has a right to interfere with an individual's natural rights. Religious liberty had no firmer, no more consistent, advocate than Mr. Jefferson; and no other statesman of the times had a clearer idea of the foundation principles of our government. The nearest friend of Jefferson in the Constitutional Convention was Madison, who was also the best exponent of the principles held by that great democratic statesman. Jefferson's views on the doctrine of natural rights are found in a letter to Francis W. Gilmer, dated at Monticello, June 7, 1816: "Our legislators are not sufficiently apprised of the rightful limits of their power; that their true office is to declare and enforce only our natural rights and duties, and to take none of them from us. No man has a natural right to commit aggression on the equal rights of another; and this is all from which the laws ought to restrain him; every man is under the natural duty of contributing to the necessities of the society; and this is all the laws should enforce on him; and, no man having a natural right to be the judge between himself and another, it is his natural duty to submit to the umpirage of an impartial third. When the laws have declared and enforced all this, On entering they have fulfilled their functions, and the idea is quite unfounded, into society that on entering into society we give up any natural right.” tion. Jefferson's views on natural rights. man gives up no natural right. Letter to Mr. Randolph. cal works. In reference to the best works on government, in a letter to Mr. Randolph, dated at New York, May 30, 1790, Jefferson said: "In political economy, I think Smith's Wealth of Nations is the best book extant; in the science of government, Montesquieu's Spirit of Laws is generally recommended. It contains, indeed, a great number of political truths; but also an equal number of heresies; so that the reader must be constantly on his guard. . . . Locke's little book on government, is perfect as far as it goes. Descending from theory to practice there is no better book than the Federalist." Works, volume iii, page 145. A GREAT SPEECH. BY PATRICK HENRY, IN THE CONTINENTAL CONGRESS, INDEPEND- [The following is the greater portion of the famous speech made by Patrick Henry, the fiery orator of Virginia, July 4, 1776, in Independence Hall, Philadelphia, just before the signing of the Declaration of Independence, which is said to have carried his hearers along the path of conviction until every one was ready not only to sign the Declaration itself but to sacrifice all, that the colonies might be free from the yoke of foreign oppression :] 1 These words will go forth to the world when our bones are dust. To the slave in bondage they will speak hope; to the mechanic in his workshop, freedom. The message of the of Independ That parchment will speak to kings in language sad and terrible as the trumpet of the archangel. Declaration You have trampled on the rights of mankind long ence. enough. At last, the voice of human woe has pierced the ear of God, and called his judgment down. 1 During the discussion over the Declaration of Independence some pale-faced man shrinking in the corner was heard to say something about "axes, scaffolds, and a- gibbet." This seems to have been the signal for this eloquent, inspiring, and intrepid speech, and to explain the allusion in it to the "gibbet " and "axes." Gibbet!" the patriot shouted in a fierce, bold tone that startled men from their seats and rang through the hall, as he rose to his feet. Then, slowly stretching out his white, trembling hand, he continued: "Gibbet! They may stretch our necks on all the gibbets in the land; they may turn every rock into a scaffold, every tree into a gallows, every home into a grave, and yet the words of that parch ment can never die. "They may pour blood upon a thousand scaffolds, and yet from every drop that dyes the ax, or drops on the sawdust of the block, a new martyr of freedom will spring into birth! "The British King may blot out the stars of God from his sky, but he cannot blot out the words written on the parchment there. The works of God may perish; His word, never!" Then followed the speech as here given. The copy from which this is republished is credited to the Boston Journal, but without date. The signal for the speech. Opening words of the speech. Sign! sign! sign! Like the Such is the message of the Declaration to the kings of the world. And shall we falter now? And shall we start back appalled when our free people press the very threshold of freedom? Sign! if the next moment the gibbet's rope is around your neck. Sign! if the next moment this hall rings with the echo of the falling ax. Sign! by all your hopes in life, or death, as husbands, fathers — as men with our names to the parchment, or be accursed forever!! Sign! not only for yourselves, but for all ages; for that parchment will be the text book of freedom the Bible of the rights of man forever. Sign! for the declaration will go forth to American hearts like the voice of God. And its work will not be voice of God. done until throughout this wide continent not a single inch of ground owns the sway of privilege of power. The an gel's message of woe. The Father's response - a new world free from oppression. It is not given to our poor human intellect to climb the skies, to pierce the councils of the Almighty One. But methinks I stand among the awful clouds which veil the brightness of Jehovah's throne. Methinks I see the recording angel - pale as an angel is pale, weeping as an angel can weep — come trembling up to the throne and speaking his dreadful message. Father! The old world is baptized in blood. Father! It is drenched with the blood of millions who have been executed, in slow and grinding oppression. Father, look! With one glance of thine eternal eye, look over Europe, Asia, Africa, and behold everywhere a terrible sight - man trodden down beneath the oppressor's feet, nations lost in blood, murder and superstition walking hand in hand over the graves of their victims, and not a single voice to whisper hope to man. He stands there (the angel), his hand trembling with the human guilt. But hark! The voice of Jehovah speaks out from the awful cloud: Let there be light again. Let there be a new world. Tell my people, the poor, downtrodden millions, to go out from |