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port, thereby proclaiming their nation unequal to the contest, in case of the continuance of a war with Great Britain, after the settlement and pacification with America. Their consent therefore is to be presumed. But if they should demur on this point, if Great Britain should be disposed to concede tacit independence to America, by a long truce, and the removal of the troops; and if the obstruction should evidently occur on the part of France, under any equivocal or captious construction of a defensive treaty of alliance between America and France, Great Britain would, from thence forward, stand upon advantageous ground, either in any negociation with America, or on the continuance of a war including America, but not arising from any further resentment of Great Britain towards America, but im-" posed reluctantly upon both parties by the conduct of the court of France.

These thoughts are not suggested with any view of giving any opinion of preference, in favor of a separate treaty above a general treaty, and above any plan of separate but concomitant treaties, like the treaties of Munster and Osnaburg, but only to draw out the line of negociating a separate treaty, in case the British ministers should think it necessary to adhere to that mode. But, in all cases, it should seem indispensable to express some disposition, on the part of Great Britain, to adopt either one mode or the other. An absolute refusal to treat at all, must necessarily drive America into the closest connection with France, and all other foreign hostile powers, who would take that advantage for making every possible stipulation to the future disadvantage of British interests; and, above all things, would probably stipulate, that America should never make peace with Great Britain, without the most formal and explicit recognition of their independence, absolute and unlimited."

From Mr. D. Hartley.

MY DEAR FRIEND,

London, May 13, 1782.

I WROTE you a long letter, dated May the 1st, 1782, by Mr. Laurens, who left London on Saturday last; but I will add a few lines more by a conveyance, that I believe will overtake him, just to tell you two or three things, which I have omitted in my last. Perhaps they may not be of any consequence; but as they relate to my own conduct, I could wish to have you understand them.

After several conferences with the late ministry, I gave in the paper, called the Breviate, on the 7th of February, but I never received any answer from them. They resigned, on the 20th March. Upon the accession of the new ministry, I heard nothing from them upon the subject, nor indeed did I apply to them. I did not know whether the paper would come into their hands by succession, and I doubted whether it might not be more proper for me to wait till I heard from them. While I remained doubtful about this, I received your letters, which determined me to go to lord Shelburne. [This was about the beginning of the present month.] I communicated to him some extracts, such as those about the prisoners, &c. and likewise the whole of your letter of April the 13th, containing the offer of the late ministry, the king of France's answer, together with more reflections on the conclusions respecting peace. you had given me a general permission, I left with him a copy of the whole letter.

Upon the occasion of this interview, lord Shelburne told me, that he had made much enquiry in the office for the correspondences and papers, which had passed between the late ministry and me, but that he could not meet with them. He expressed a regret that he had not conversed with me at an earlier day, with many civilities of that kind. In short, I had been backward to intrude myself, and he expressed regret that he had not sent to me. Upon this opening on his part, I stated to him the substance of what

had passed between the late ministry and myself, and I left a copy of the Breviate with him. He gave me a very attentive audience, and I took that opportunity of stating my sentiments to him, as far as I could, upon every view of the question. Upon his expressing regret that he had not seen me sooner, I told him, that I always had been, and shall be most ready to give any assistance in my power towards the work of peace. I say the same to you.

I do not believe there is any difference of sentiment between you and me personally, in our own minds upon independence, &c. But we belong to different communities, and the right of judgment, or consent and dissent, is vested in the community. Divide independence into six millions of shares, and you should have been heartily welcome to my share from the beginning of the war. Divide Canada into six millions of shares, I could find a better method of disposing of my share, than by offering it to France to abandon America. Divide the rock of Gibraltar into six millions of pieces, I can only answer for one portion. Let reason and justice decide, in any such case, as universal umpires between contending parties, and those who wish well to the permanent peace of mankind, will not refuse to give and to receive equal justice. I agree with you that the equitable and philosophical principles of politics, can alone form a solid foundation of permanent peace, and that the contraries to them (though highly patronised by nations themselves and their ministers) are no better than vulgar errors; but nations are slow to conviction from the personal arguments of individuals. They are jealous in honor, seeking the "Bubble reputation, even in the cannon's mouth." But until a confirmed millennium, founded upon wiser principles, shall be generally established, the reputation of nations is not merely a bubble. It forms their real security. To apply all this, in one word, let all nations agree, with one accord, to "beat their swords into ploughshares, and their spears into pruning hooks;" or, give me wooden walls to Great Britain!

I have nothing further to add. My reason for writing this, was just to communicate to you in what position I had delivered over my conferences and arguments, with the late ministry, into the hands of the present. And I will conclude with your own words: May God send us all more wisdom.

I am ever, most affectionately, yours,

D. HARTLEY."

P. S. "May 17, 1782. Since writing the above, I have likewise left a copy of the enclosed preliminaries with lord Shelburne."

PRELIMINARIES.

"May, 1782.

1. THAT the British troops shall be withdrawn from the thirteen provinces of North America, and a truce made between Great Britain and the said provinces, for years. (Suppose ten or twenty years,)

2. That a negociation for peace shall bonâ fide be opened between Great Britain and the allies of America.

3. If the proposed negociation between Great Britain and the allies of America, should not succeed so far as to produce peace, but that war should continue between the said parties, that America should act and be treated as a neutral nation.

4. That whenever peace shall take place between Great Britain and the allies of America, the truce between Great Britain and America shall be converted into a perpetual peace. The independence of America shall be admitted and guaranteed by Great Britain, and a commercial treaty settled between them.

5. That these propositions shall be made to the court of France for communication to the American commissioners, and for an answer to the court of Great Britain."

The same day Mr. Grenville visited me. He acquainted me that his courier was returned, and had brought him full powers in form, to treat for a peace with France and

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her allies. That he had been at Versailles, and had shewn his power to M. de Vergennes, and left a copy with him: that he had also a letter of credence, which he was not to deliver till France should think fit to send a minister of the same kind to London. That M. de Vergennes had told him he would lay it before the king, and had desired to see him again on Wednesday. That Mr. Oswald had arrived in London about an hour before the courier came away; that Mr. Fox, in his letter, had charged him to thank me for that which I had written, and to tell me he hoped I would never forget that he and I were of the same country. I answered, that I should always esteem it an honor to be owned as a countryman by Mr. Fox. He had requested, at our last interview, that if I saw no impropriety in doing it, I would favor him with a sight of the treaty of alliance between France and America. I acquainted him that it was printed; but that if he could not readily meet with a copy I would have one written for him; and as he had not been able to find one, I this day gave it to him. He lent me a London Gazette, containing admiral Rodney's account of his victory over M. de Grasse, and the accounts of other successes in the East Indies, assuring me, however, that these events made not the least change in the sincere desire of his court to treat for peace.

In the afternoon the marquis de la Fayette called upon me, I acquainted him with what Mr. Grenville had told me respecting his credential letter, and the expectation that a person, on the part of this court, would be sent to London with a commission similar to his. The marquis told me, he was on his way to Versailles, and should see M. de Vergennes. We concluded, that it would now be proper for him to make the proposition we had before talked of, that he should be the person employed in that service.

On Monday, the 27th, I received a letter from Mr. Jay, dated the 8th, acquainting me that he had received mine, of the 21st. and 22d. past, and had concluded to set out for Paris about the 19th; so that he may be expected in a few days.

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