his letters to me, seemed so unhappy till it was done that I ventured it, with a clause, however (as you will see) reserving to congress the approbation or disallowance of it. The enabling act is now said to be passed, but no copy of it is yet received here, so that as the bill first printed, has suffered alterations in passing through parliament, and we know not what they are, the treaty with us is not yet commenced. Mr. Grenville expects his courier in a few days, with the answer of his court to a paper given him on the part of this. That answer will probably afford us a clearer understanding of the intentions of the British ministry, which for some weeks past have appeared somewhat equivocal and uncertain. It looks as if since their late success in the West Indies, they a little repented of the advances they had made in their declarations respecting the acknowlegement of our independence; and we have pretty good information, that some of the ministry still flatter the king with the hope of recovering his sovereignty over us, on the same terms as are now making with Ireland. However willing we might have been, at the commencement of this contest, to have accepted such conditions, be assured that we can have no safety in them at present. The king hates us most cordially, and his character for falsehood and dissimulation is so thoroughly known, that none even of those who call themselves his friends, have any dependance on him. If he is once admitted to any degree of power or government among us, however limited, it will soon be extended by corruption, artifice, and force, till we are reduced to absolute subjection; and that the more easily, as by receiving him again for our king, we shall draw upon ourselves the contempt of all Europe, who now admire and respect us, and shall never again find a friend to assist us. There are, it is said, great divisions in the ministry on other points as well as this: and those who aim at engrossing the power, flatter the king with this project of re-union; and it is said have much reliance on the operation of private agents sent into America, to dispose minds there in favor of it, and to bring about a separate treaty there with general Carleton. I have not the least apprehension that congress will give into this scheme, it being inconsistent with our treaties, as well as with our interests; but I think it will be well to watch these emissaries, and secure or banish immediately such as shall be found tampering, and stirring up the people to call for it. The firm united resolution of France, Spain, and Holland, joined with ours, not to treat of a particular but a general peace, notwithstanding the separate tempting offers to each, will in the end give us the command of that peace. Every one of the other powers see clearly their interests in this, and persist in that resolution; the congress I am persuaded, are as clear sighted as any of them, and will not depart from the system, which has been attended with so much success, and promises to make America soon both great and happy. I have just received a letter from Mr. Laurens, dated at Lyons, on his journey into the south of France for his health. Mr. Jay will write also by this opportunity. With great esteem, I have the honor to be, &c. B. FRANKLIN. Form of the discharge of Earl Cornwallis, from his parole, by Dr. Franklin. THE congress having by a resolution of the 14th of June last, empowered me to offer an exchange of general Burgoyne for the honorable Mr. Laurens, then a prisoner in the Tower of London, and whose liberty they much desire to obtain; which exchange, though proposed by me according to the said resolution, had not been accepted or executed, when advice was received, that general Burgoyne was exchanged in virtue of another agreement. And Mr. Laurens having thereupon proposed another lieutenant general, to wit, lord Cornwallis, as an exchange for himself, promising that if set at liberty, he would do his utmost to obtain a confirmation of that proposal; and Mr. Laurens being soon after discharged, and having since urged me earnestly in several letters to join with him in absolving the parole of that general, which appears to be a thing just and equitable in itself; and for the honor therefore of our country, I do hereby, as far as in my power lies, in virtue of the abovementioned resolution, or otherwise, absolve and discharge the parole of lord Cornwallis, given by him in Virginia; setting him at entire liberty, to act in his civil or military capacity, until the pleasure of congress shall be known, to whom is reserved the confirmation or disapprobation of this discharge, in case they have made or shall intend to make a different disposition. Given at Passy, this 9th day of June, 1782. B. FRANKLIN. Minister plenipotentiary from the United States of To the Secretary of Foreign Affairs of the United States. SIR, I HAVE lately been honored with your several letters, No. 10, March 9th; No. 11, May, 22d; and No. 12, May 30th. The paper containing a state of the commerce in North America, and explaining the necessity and utility of convoys for its protection, I have laid before the minister, accompained by a letter pressing that it be taken into immediate consideration; and I hope it may be attended with success. The order of congress for liquidating the accounts between this court and the United States, was executed before it arrived. All the accounts against us for money lent, and stores, arms, ammunition, clothing, &c. furnished by government, were brought in and examined, and a balance received which made the debt amount to the even sum of eighteen millions, exclusive of the Holland loan, for which the king is guarantee. I send a copy of the instrument to Mr. Morris. In reading it you will discover several fresh marks of the king's goodness towards us, amounting to the value of near two millions. These, added to the free gifts before made to us at different times, form an object of at least twelve millions, for which no returns but that of gratitude and friendship, are expected. These I hope may be everlasting. The constant good understanding between France and the Swiss Cantons, and the steady benevolence of this crown towards them, afford as well grounded hope that our alliance may be as durable and as happy for both nations; there being strong reasons for our union, and no crossing interests between us. I write fully to Mr. Morris on money affairs, who will doubtless communicate to you my letter, so that I need say the less to you on that subject. The letter to the king was well received; the accounts of your rejoicings on the news of the dauphin's birth, give pleasure here; as do the firm conduct of congress in refusing to treat with general Carleton, and the unanimous resolutions of the assemblies of different states on the same subject (all ranks of this nation appear to be in good humor with us, and our reputation rises throughout Europe) I understand from the Swedish embassador, that their treaty with us will go on as soon as ours with Holland is finished; our treaty with France, with such improvements as that with Holland may suggest, being intended as the basis. There have been various misunderstandings and mismanagements among the parties concerned in the expedition of the Bonhomme Richard, which have occasioned delay in dividing the prize money. M. de Chaumont, who was chosen by the captains of all the vessels in the expedition as their agent, has long been in a state little short of bank. ruptcy, and some of the delays have possibly been occasioned by the distress of his affairs; he now informs me that the money is in the hands of the minister of the marine. I shall in a few days present the memorial you propose, with one relating to the prisoners, and will acquaint you with the Mr. Barclay is still in Holland: when he returns he may take into his hands what money can be obtained on that account. answer. I think your observations, respecting the Danish complaints through the minister of France perfectly just. I will receive no more of them by that channel, and will give your reasons to justify my refusal. Your approbation of my idea of a medal to perpetuate the memory of York and Saratoga victories, gives me great pleasure, and encourages me to have it struck. I wish you would acquaint me with what kind of a monument, at York the emblems required are to be fixed on; whether an obelisk or a column; its dimensions; whether any part of it is to be marble, and the emblems carved on it, and whether the work is to be executed by the excellent artists in that way which Paris affords; and if so, to what expense they are to be limited. This puts me in mind of a monument I got made here and sent to America, by order of congress five years since. I have heard of its arrival and nothing more. It was admired here for its elegant antique simplicity of design, and the various beautiful marbles used in its composition. It was intended to be fixed against a wall in the state house of Philadelphia. I know not why it has been so long neglected, it would, methinks, be well to enquire after it, and get it put up some where. Directions for fixing it were sent with it. I enclose a print of it. The inscription in the engraving is not on the monument; it was merely the fancy of the engraver. There is a white plate of marble left smooth to receive such inscription as the congress should think proper. Our countrymen who have been prisoners in England are sent home, a few excepted, who were sick, and who will be forwarded as soon as recovered. This eases us of a very considerable charge. I communicated to the marquis de la Fayette, the paragraph of your letter which related to him. He is still here; and as there seems not much likelihood of an active campaign in America, he is probably more useful where he is. His departure however, though delayed, is not absolutely laid aside, |