The publication of Mr. Morris's letters was neither previously assented to nor known by Congress. Whether it was the act of Mr. Morris himself is even unknown to them. After the injunction of secrecy was taken off, the curiosity of any individual, or the interest of the printer, might obtain copies for the press.

The imperfect information brought by the French cutter is all that we have yet received relative to peace. It is reported from New York, that similar intelligence had been brought thither by a vessel from Lisbon. Hostilities, however, continue to de

vour our commerce.

The Report on Revenue, of which I gave you the outlines, is still in an unfinished state; but in a way, I flatter myself, of being ultimately and substantially adopted. The admission into the common mass, of all expenses of the war not authorized by Congress, is the remaining article of difficulty. Even this, however, under some qualifications, is so respectably patronized, and so intimately linked with the article concerning the back lands, that I do not despair altogether of seeing that also finally comprehended. A change of the valuation of lands for the number of inhabitants, deducting two-fifths of the slaves, has received a tacit sanction, and, unless hereafter expunged, will go forth in the general recommendation, as material to future harmony and justice among the members of the Confederacy. The deduction of two-fifths was a compromise between the wide opinions and demands of the Southern and other States.

A letter was received yesterday from General

Washington, in answer to a notification from the President, of the signing of the general preliminaries on the twentieth of January, expressing the joy of the army at the glorious event, and the satisfaction they have received from the act of Congress commuting the half-pay, &c.

The mission of Mr. Jefferson has been entirely superseded by the last advices. He will set out in a few days for Virginia, and means to pass through Richmond. To his information I refer for details which my late correspondence may have omitted. As his services are not required, at least for the present, in Europe, it is to be most devoutly wished that they could be engaged, at the present crisis, at home.'

110

TO EDMUND RANDOLPH.

Philadelphia, April 10, 1783.

DEAR SIR,

The important contents of the enclosed paper were brought hither yesterday by a British officer sent for that purpose by Sir Guy Carleton. To-day Congress received letters from Dr. Franklin and Mr. Adams, enclosing a declaration entered into by them and the British Plenipotentiary, by which the epochs at which hostilities are to cease between France and Great Britain are adopted between the latter and America. A great diversity of opinion prevails as to the time at which they were to cease on this coast. The merchants and the lawyers are most

affected by the question."

111

British Proclamation of the cessation of arms.

TO EDMUND RANDOLPH.

DEAR SIR,

Philadelphia, April 15, 1783.

My letter, by a private hand who left this place a few days ago, together with late public letters, will have fully apprised you of the decisive events which have taken place in favor of peace. The paper enclosed will amuse you with the bickerings in the British Parliament on that subject.

General Carleton is very importunate for an immediate execution of the provisional articles, on the part of Congress, in the points of liberating the prisoners, and recommending restitution to the loyalists. On his part, he has set the example on the first point, but says nothing of executing the other important conditions which are in our favor. This proposition has led Congress into a critical discussion of the import of the provisional articles, in which the opinions are almost as numerous as the articles themselves. Some think that the instrument was converted by the signature of preliminary articles between France and Great Britain into the Treaty of Peace, of which a ratification in America is alluded to in the sixth article. Others think that it was conditioned no otherwise, on terms of peace between these powers, than that such an agreement rendered it a lawful and necessary foundation for a treaty of peace between the United States and Great Britain. Some, again, suppose that the provisional articles need no ratification from Congress, but that they ought to wait for the treaty to be

grounded on them. Others suppose that a ratification is essential, or at least proper. The latter description again are divided: some proposing to ratify them as articles, still contingent; others to ratify them as having taken effect in consequence of the preliminary articles between Great Britain and France. This variety and contrariety of interpretation arises, in a great measure, from the obscurity, and even contrariety, of the articles themselves.

DEAR SIR,

TO EDMUND RANDOLPH.

Philadelphia, April 22, 1783.

I just understand that a frigate from France is at Chester, but what intelligence she brings, and particularly whether she brings a definitive peace, is unknown. Several interesting questions are raised on the Preliminary Treaty. First, whether laws prohibiting British commerce, and which were to be in force during the war, are repealed or not? Another, of a similar nature, is, whether the enlistments for the war are to be terminated by the latter or former treaty? Half the army under Washington is computed to be interested in this question.

The report for establishing a revenue, &c., passed Congress on Saturday. It has been defalcated of several clauses which were material, and which would have touched, in particular, the supposed interest of Virginia. Mr. Jefferson carried with him a copy of the plan as originally reported, and as it stood when he left us. It has undergone no material variation from the latter stage of it."

TO THOMAS JEFFERSON.

Philadelphia, April 22, 1783.

DEAR SIR,

The report on funds, &c., passed Congress on Saturday last, with the dissent of Rhode Island, and the division of New York only. The latter vote was lost by the rigid adherence of Mr. Hamilton to a plan which he supposed more perfect. The clause providing for unauthorized expenditures could not be reinstated; and, consequently, no attempt was made to link all the parts of the acts inseparably together. As it now stands, it has, I fear, no bait for Virginia, which is not particularly interested either in the object or the mode of the revenues recommended, nor in the territorial cessions, nor in the change of the constitutional rule of dividing the public burdens. A respect for justice, good faith, and national honor, is the only consideration which can obtain her compliance.

We have received no intelligence from abroad which deserves to be noted since your departure. The interval between the preliminary and definitive treaties has produced several new and interesting questions. One is, whether laws prohibiting commerce with British ports during the war have expired with the cessation of hostilities? A similar one is, whether the soldiers enlisted for the war are entitled to a discharge? At least half of the army under General Washington are under this description, and are urgent for such a construction of their engagements. A third question is, whether the preliminary treaty between France and Great Britain