returned. The recognition of the Independence of Vermont is not fully stated in the report, as a resolution, antecedent, went to authorizing a committee to treat with them on the terms of their admission. You will know the object of this arrangement.

OBSERVATIONS RELATING TO THE INFLUENCE OF VERMONT, AND THE TERRITORIAL CLAIMS, ON THE POLITICS OF CONGRESS. MAY 1ST, 1782.

The two great objects which predominate in the politics of Congress, at this juncture, are-first, Vermont; second, Western Territory:

First. The independence of Vermont, and its admission into the Confederacy, are patronized by the Eastern States (New Hampshire excepted.) 1st: From ancient prejudice against New York: 2nd: The interest which citizens of those States have in lands granted by Vermont: 3d: But principally from the accession of weight they will derive from it in Congress. New Hampshire having gained its main object, by the exclusion of its territory east of Connecticut River from the claims of Vermont, is already indifferent to its independence, and will probably soon combine with other Eastern States in its favor.

The same patronage is yielded to the pretensions of Vermont by Pennsylvania and Maryland, with the sole view of reinforcing the opposition to claims of Western territory, particularly those of Virginia; and by New Jersey and Delaware, with the addi

tional view of strengthening the interests of the little States. Both of these considerations operate also on Rhode Island, in addition to the above mentioned.

The independence of Vermont, and its admission into the Union, are opposed by New York, for reasons obvious and well known.

The like opposition is made by Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina and Georgia. The grounds of this opposition are, 1st: An habitual jealousy of a predominance of Eastern interest. 2nd: The opposition expected from Vermont to Western claims. 3d: The inexpediency of admitting so unimportant a State to an equal vote in deciding on peace, and all the other grand interests of the Union now depending. 4th: The influence of the example on a premature dismemberment of the other States. These considerations influence the four States last mentioned in different degrees. The second and third, to say nothing of the fourth, ought to be decisive with Virginia.

Second. The territorial claims, particularly those of Virginia, are opposed by Rhode Island, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware and Maryland. Rhode Island is influenced in her opposition by, 1st: A lucrative desire of sharing in the vacant territory as a fund of revenue. 2nd: By the envy and jealousy naturally excited by superior resources and importance. New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware and Maryland are influenced partly by the same considerations; but principally by the intrigues of their citizens, who are interested in the claims of land companies. The decisive influence of this last consideration is manifest, from the peculiar and per

severing opposition made against Virginia, within whose limits those claims lie.

The Western claims, or rather a final settlement of them, are also thwarted by Massachusetts and Connecticut. This object with them is chiefly subservient to that of Vermont, as the latter is with Pennsylvania and Maryland to the former. The general policy and interests of these two States are opposed to the admission of Vermont into the Union; and if the case of the Western territory were once removed, they would instantly divide from the Eastern States, in the case of Vermont. Of this Massachusetts and Connecticut are not insensible, and therefore find their advantage in keeping the territorial controversy pending. Connecticut may likewise conceive some analogy between her claims to the Western territory and that of Virginia, and that the acceptance of the cession of the latter would influence her sentiments in the controversy between the former and Pennsylvania.

The Western claims are espoused by Virginia, North and South Carolina, Georgia and New York, all of these States being interested therein. South Carolina is the least so. The claim of New York is very extensive, but her title very flimsy. She urges it more with the hope of obtaining some advantage, or credit, by its cession, than of ever maintaining it. If this cession should be accepted, and the affair of Vermont terminated, as these are the only ties which unite her with the Southern States, she will immediately connect her policy with that of the Eastern States; so far, at least, as the remains of former prejudices will permit.'5

TO EDMUND RANDOLPH.

Philadelphia, May, 1782.

DEAR SIR,

The enclosed gazette details all the information which we have received relative to the parliamentary advances towards a negotiation with the United States. The first reports which issued from the packet which brought them, were of a very different complexion, and raised high expectations of peace. We now find the ideas of the opposition, as well as the Ministry, to be far short of the only condition on which it can take place. Those who are the farthest reconciled to concessions calculate on a dissolution of the compact with France. The Ministry will yield to the experiment, and turn the result upon their adversaries. Our business is plain. Fidelity to our allies, and vigor in military preparation, these, and these alone, will secure us against all political devices.

We have received no intelligence which speaks a danger of a separate peace between the Dutch and Great Britain. Mr. Adams' request of a categorical answer was taken, ad referendum, prior, if I mistake not, to the knowledge of Cornwallis' fate; and it is not likely that after that event they would be less disposed to respect our overtures, or reject those of the enemy.

We have letters from Mr. Jay and Mr. Carmichael of as late date as the twenty-seventh of February. They differ in nothing from the style of the former. The conduct of the Spanish Court subsequent to the

date of the letter received the day preceding your departure, corresponds entirely with the tenor of it as therein related. Mr. Jones will inform you of the act of Congress which that letter produced.

We have made no progress in the Western subject. We mean to desist, after one or two more attempts, and state the matter to the Assembly by next post, expecting that they will pursue such measures as their interest prescribes, without regard to the resolutions which proposed the cession.

I beg you to keep me punctually informed of every legislative step touching the Western territory. I suppose the cession cannot fail to be revoked, or, at least, a day of limitation set to it. The condition relative to the companies will certainly be adhered to in every event. I find that those who have been against us do not wish to lose sight of the prospect altogether. If the State is firm and prudent, I have little doubt that she will be again courted. Previous to Mr. Jones' departure, our opinions were united on the expediency of making the impost of five per cent. subservient to an honorable adjustment of territory and accounts. I have since discovered that Varnum is left out, the latter having promoted it, and that Chase is inflexible against it. Massachusetts also holds out. The expedient, therefore, would not be efficacious, and clamors would be drawn on Virginia, which it would be best should fall elsewhere. Show this to Mr. Jones. He will be with you about the twentieth instant.